The recent revelations about former Deputy Police Commissioner Jevon McSkimming have sent shockwaves throughout New Zealand. The discovery of child sexual exploitation and bestiality material allegedly found on his work devices is not just a personal failing but a systemic betrayal of public trust, a betrayal that must not be swept under the carpet. It demands a full inquiry into how McSkimming went undetected and raises serious questions about whether he was part of a wider network of depravity within the New Zealand Police Force.Yesterday, RNZ reported:
Child exploitation and bestiality material were allegedly found on former Deputy Police Commissioner Jevon McSkimming's work devices, it can now be revealed.
The revelation comes after a High Court judge dismissed an application to prevent media reporting the nature of the alleged objectionable material.
McSkimming resigned as the country's second most powerful cop in May amid separate investigations by the Independent Police Conduct Authority and police.
His resignation came a week after RNZ approached him, via his lawyer, with allegations about material found on his work devices.
RNZ earlier revealed pornography found on McSkimming's work devices was being investigated as alleged objectionable material.
His lawyer Linda Clark was then granted a rare "superinjunction" by Justice Karen Grau that prohibited reporting that disclosed the nature of the allegedly objectionable material, as well as the existence of the injunction itself.
McSkimming’s ascent to Deputy Commissioner, a position of immense power, was procedurally endorsed by then-Prime Minister Chris Hipkins in 2023, following a Public Service Commission selection process that apparently missed the rot beneath the surface. This isn’t the first time the police vetting system has failed us. Most notably, the 2018 inquiry into the appointment of Wally Haumaha exposed significant flaws in the vetting process, including inadequate scrutiny of candidates’ backgrounds and conflicts of interest. Haumaha’s interference during the 2004 Operation Austin, an investigation into historical rape allegations against police officers Clint Rickards, Brad Shipton, and Bob Schollum, whereby he downplayed their crimes, was unbecoming of an officer of the law.
Haumaha, who worked closely with the serial Police rapists in Rotorua during the 1980s and 1990s, reportedly dismissed victim Louise Nicholas’ allegations as “nonsense,” suggested officers “stick together,” and described Shipton as a “big softie” and Schollum as a “legend” with women, remarks that downplayed the numerous serious sexual assault allegations against his colleges. This type of culture within the Police is likely widespread and clearly hinders accountability, evidently resulting in only 4.2% of all sexual assault victimisations (reported and unreported) being prosecuted, and just 1.2% resulting in convictions. Who is to say that such a sick culture that treats all complainants as liars isn't also in play when victims are making allegations of bestiality or pedophilia against Police officers?
Recommendations from the Haumaha inquiry, intended to tighten oversight, appear to have been ignored or inadequately implemented. How else could someone like McSkimming, allegedly harbouring such grotesque proclivities, slip through the cracks?
The McSkimming case isn't an isolated blemish. New Zealand has seen other high-profile figures caught with objectionable material or involved in sexual offending. Tim Jago, former president of the ACT Party, was convicted of eight counts of indecent assault after being found guilty of sexually abusing two teenage boys in the 1990s whom he knew through an Auckland surf lifesaving club that he was defrauding. He was sentenced to two-and-a-half years in prison in November 2024. Ron Brierley, a celebrated corporate raider knighted in 1988 and known for his close ties to powerful politicians like former Prime Ministers Robert Muldoon and Jenny Shipley, pleaded guilty in 2021 to possessing over 11,000 images of child sexual abuse after his 2019 arrest in Sydney.
Then there's Anthony "Aussie" Malcolm, a former National Party MP for Eden and Cabinet minister who died in September 2024, who was under police investigation at the time of his death following multiple complaints of historical child sexual abuse, including allegations he sexually assaulted a teenager in 1992. Not to mention former Auckland councillor David Tamihere, (John Tamihere's brother) who was convicted in the 1990s for possessing child abuse material.
More recently, Michael Forbes, deputy chief press secretary to Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, resigned in June 2025 after a questionable police investigation revealed he recorded audio of Wellington sex workers without their consent and amassed intrusive photos and videos of women in public and private settings.
These cases underscore a disturbing pattern: sexual predators in positions of power are evading accountability due to vetting systems that appear woefully inadequate.
As well as a large question mark over the organisations that have allowed such despicable individuals to attain positions of power, the decisions these individuals made, whether in policy, governance, or law enforcement, must now be thoroughly re-examined. Were their judgments clouded by their sick depravities? Did their access to sensitive material enable them to undertake further crimes? Did the access they had to various government and police systems allow them to cover-up their crimes or, worse, protect others who share similar criminal interests? The public deserves answers to these very serious questions.
The possibility that McSkimming’s actions were not isolated but part of a broader pedophile network within the police cannot be easily dismissed. Speculation on social media has raised concerns about systemic corruption, with some alleging that the police under former leadership failed to pursue certain offenders due to institutional rot. While these claims largely remain unverified, they fuel public distrust and highlight the need for a thorough investigation into whether McSkimming’s alleged crimes were enabled or concealed by others within the force. The pattern of his offending points to the conclusion that McSkimming has been offending for a long time. So why wasn't he caught earlier?
The police are entrusted to protect our most vulnerable, yet McSkimming’s case suggests a betrayal at the highest levels. A full, independent inquiry is therefore non-negotiable. It must probe not only how McSkimming, and potentially other police officers, evaded detection but also whether the recommendations from the Haumaha inquiry were deliberately sidelined. Why were routine audits of police device usage paused in 2020, as Commissioner Richard Chambers admitted? Why were internal controls so weak that staff could bypass them to access inappropriate content? These are not mere oversights; they point to a culture of negligence that must be dismantled.
Politicians and police must face stricter vetting, with ongoing monitoring to ensure those in power are held to the highest of standards. The Policing Act is clear: a Deputy Commissioner must be a fit and proper person. McSkimming’s alleged actions might mock that standard, but we cannot allow the taint of such depravity to linger or poison the rest of the New Zealand Police force.
A public inquiry, coupled with a review of decisions influenced by those implicated in such scandals, is essential to restore trust. New Zealand must confront the spectre of pedophiles within positions of power head-on, rooting out any networks that may lurk within our institutions. The safety of our children and the integrity of our justice and political systems depend on it.
