The Green Budget: Cutting Through Right-Wing Spin

You might not have heard that the Green Party’s 2025 Alternative Budget is a bold blueprint for a fairer, greener Aotearoa. That's because right-wing spin merchants are twisting its intent and manipulating the narrative with predictable ferocity. From National’s Nicola Willis labeling it “clown show economics” to NZ Herald’s Thomas Coughlan claiming it slashes nurses’ pay, the disinformation is relentless and designed to keep the public guesing.

The Greens’ plan, rooted in wealth taxes and social investment, aims to rebuild resilience, yet perceived vagueness in some areas has left too much room for distortion. Clarity is critical to counter the right-wing attacks and showcase the Alternative budget’s transformative potential.

The coalition’s scaremongering–calling it “Marxist” or “left-wing Trumpism”–is a pathetic tactic of disinformation to dodge substantive debate. The government's cuts to public services contrast starkly with the Greens’ $88.8 billion revenue plan, funded by taxing the ultra-wealthy, not everyday Kiwis. The Greens must seize the narrative and sharpen their messaging to dismantle right-wing myths and highlight how their policies will prioritise people over profit.

Myth: The Green Budget taxes nurses into poverty. Coughlan’s analysis in the NZ Herald falsely claims nurses lose after-tax income. The Greens’ plan cuts income tax for 91% of Kiwis, with wealth taxes targeting the top 3%.

 

Myth: The budget isn’t costed. The Greens’ plan was independently costed by Infometrics, projecting $99.1 billion over four years, with clear revenue streams like wealth and inheritance taxes.

Myth: It’s reckless spending. The $88.8 billion funds free GP visits, childcare, and a $395 weekly income guarantee, addressing inequality while investing in climate and infrastructure resilience.

Myth: Wealth taxes cause capital flight. Treasury’s warnings are speculative; similar taxes in Norway and Spain show minimal exodus by wealthy residents when paired with robust public investment. The Greens’ plan mitigates risks through targeted design.

Myth: It’s “Marxist” nonsense. National’s hyperbole ignores the Green budget’s pragmatic focus: doubling mining royalties, taxing private jets, and boosting job creation via a Green Jobs Guarantee.

Tame’s Q+A critique: Lack of detail. Swarbrick’s admission of needing to “come back” on specifics may have been a misstep. However the line of questioning was taken directly from right-wing disinformation merchants. Despite this, the Green's must proactively publish clear tax thresholds and economic modeling.

The Greens’ vision of free healthcare, guaranteed incomes, and 40,000 green jobs isn’t radical; it’s absolutely necessary to improve New Zealanders living standards. But they must front-foot the narrative. Right-wing spin thrives on ambiguity, and National’s fear-mongering distracts from their own budget’s failures, like underfunding after-hours care and dismantling the social welfare safety net.

Swarbrick and Davidson need to emulate the clarity of past Green Party campaigns, arming supporters with facts to counter disinformation. They must also come up with a game plan to ensure the MSM doesn't ignore their policies in the run up to the election. The alternative budget isn’t a “clown show”...it’s a lifeline for a nation battered by neoliberal ideology already a proven to be a failure. The Greens must own the story, or the right will write it for them.

The Coalition's Disinformation Undermining Our Democracy

The New Zealand government, National, ACT, and NZ First, has been very busy recently earning its moniker: the Coalition of Chaos. This unholy trinity seems hell-bent on trying to rewrite reality, peddling lies that erode public trust in politics, and flouting the rules of decorum in an orchestrated attack on the public's sensibilities.

Take the corrupt Shane Jones for instance, NZ First’s loudmouth-in-chief, who’s been parroting the tired old lie that Labour shut down the Marsden Point refinery. The truth? The refinery’s closure in 2021 was a commercial decision by its private owners, not a Labour policy. Jones knows this. His own coalition’s $7.3 billion feasibility study confirmed the Crown can’t afford to reopen it. Yet, he keeps flogging this dead horse, hoping voters won’t notice that most of Marsden Point refinery is already demolished. It’s cynical and lazy politicking, which insults people's intelligence.

Then there’s the fiction that Labour directly funnelled $2.7 million to the Mongrel Mob for a meth rehab programme. This whopper, gleefully amplified by propagandist bloggers and coalition MPs, conveniently ignores the facts. The funding went to a community-based rehab initiative, not the gang’s coffers, and was part of a broader health strategy to tackle meth addiction. Misrepresenting it as a gang handout is a cheap shot designed to inflame prejudice and dodge scrutiny of the coalition’s own limp efforts on addiction. When meth use has more than doubled over the past year, you'd expect some level of honest debate from government politicians to find solutions. Instead all we get is finger pointing and more lies.

Judith Collins, meanwhile, has been spinning her own twisted yarn, claiming Te Pāti Māori’s protest haka in Parliament stopped ACT MPs from voting on the Waitangi Tribunal bill. Rubbish! The haka disrupted proceedings, sure, but no vote was blocked. ACT MPs were free to cast their ballots. Collins’ exaggeration is yet another racist dog-whistle, painting Māori activism as a threat to democracy while deflecting from the coalition’s divisive Treaty policies. The mainstream media, lapping up her soundbites, only fuels the government’s distortion of the truth.

Speaking of media, how many times have we heard coalition MPs whining about National “inheriting a financial mess” from Labour? It’s a catchy line, dutifully echoed by outlets too spineless to fact-check. Reality check: Labour navigated a global pandemic, kept unemployment low, and left a fiscal deficit that National’s own tax cuts have since ballooned into the stratosphere. The “mess” narrative is just another lazy trope to justify the government's austerity and broken promises, like the cancer treatment funding National tried to quietly shelve. The subsequent Pharmac boost may have mitigated some criticism, but the delay and lack of transparency by the government has fuelled distrust in their decision making process.

Then there’s the brazen lie from Christopher Luxon and Nicola Willis, who insist their pay equity reforms won’t cut women’s pay packets. Absolute nonsense! By raising the threshold for claims and scrapping 33 existing ones affecting 150,000 mostly female workers, the coalition’s changes will save billions...money that would have otherwise gone to teachers, nurses, and carers.

Labour’s Chris Hipkins nailed it: taking away promised pay is a cut, plain and simple. Luxon’s claim that it’s just “fixing an unworkable system” is gaslighting, especially when Willis admitted the savings plug another budget hole. "Brooke van Velden has saved the budget" claimed ACT's David Seymour. Saved the budget by making low-waged women foot the bill for National's un-costed tax cuts and billion dollar handouts for landlords. This betrayal, rammed through under urgency, screams contempt for women workers...a contempt that is designed to keep everyone's wages low.

Other untruths abound. David Seymour’s Treaty Principles Bill was sold as “clarifying” the Treaty, but the Waitangi Tribunal correctly called it a breach of partnership principles, warning that it undermines Māori rights. ACT’s claim that it’s just “future-proofing” is a bald-faced lie! 18,000 petitioners and countless submissions saw through it. But still the ACT Party persists in trying to mislead the people.

This relentless dishonesty isn’t just politics as usual…it’s a wrecking ball for public faith in our political system. When government MPs blatantly lie with impunity, and media parrot their dishonest talking points, voters grow ever more cynical. Trust in Parliament, already at an all-time low, takes another hit. Politicians wonder why turnout at general elections is plummeting? But they only need look in the mirror. The Coalition of Chaos isn’t just governing poorly, it’s poisoning the well of democracy…a poison that will take many generations to remedy.

Why Did 1 News Downplay Two By Twos Pedophilia?

New Zealand’s mainstream media has sunk to new lows, and 1 News’ gutless coverage of the Two By Twos pedophilia scandal is a glaring exhibit of a failure to report. Their April 2025 claim that all child sexual offending within this creepy sect under police scrutiny is “historical” isn’t just lazy journalism…it’s a brazen lie to downplay widespread offending within a pedophilia cult, and shield National Party MP Hamish Campbell from the scrutiny he deserves. This is the media bending over backwards for Tory elites, throwing salt in the wounds of victims while a cult’s crimes are swept under the rug.

1 News’ framing of the Two By Twos investigations as old, dusty history is flat-out wrong! The NZ Herald and Newstalk ZB have now reported on 27 fresh allegations of child sexual abuse sparking “several” active criminal probes, with police working alongside the FBI’s global dragnet. These aren’t faded Polaroids from the ‘80s; they’re recent crimes, with survivors still coming forward. By slapping the “historical” tag on this, 1 News was trying to sanitise a living nightmare, and it reeks of a calculated move to protect Campbell, the Ilam MP who still hasn’t come clean about his involvement in the secretive "religious" sect.

Here's the once-over lightly followup report by 1 News after the fact:

 

Police speaking with former members of sect with no official name

 

...

A secretive sect under investigation by New Zealand Police for abuse says fellowship is voluntary, and members are free to leave if they wish.

…

“The coercion and the control that there is over people. People don't realise it's happening to them until you take a step back,” said the woman.

New Zealand Police have contacted 27 alleged victims of sexual abuse in the church, with 10 individuals filing reports.

A police spokesperson said two offenders have been convicted.

For over a year, Campbell played dumb, muttering about a loose “family connection” to the Two By Twos while dodging questions. Only when the Herald turned up the heat did he admit he’s a card-carrying member, hosting Bible meetings at his Christchurch home and allegedly holding the rank of “elder.” Former members have blown the whistle, telling Newstalk ZB he’s “lied through his teeth” to the Prime Minister about his role. This isn’t a slip-up; it’s a deliberate con to duck accountability for a cult accused of shielding predators. And 1 News? They’re too busy fluffing pillows for National MPs to ask the hard questions.

Why did you report the allegations about child sex abuse within the Two By Twos are all historic, @1NewsNZ? There are 14 current “church” members with allegations against them. Convicted pedophile William Easton was a member up until December 2024. #nzpolhttps://t.co/JpvftqLMzl

— Jackal (@Jackalblog) April 12, 2025

By painting the Two By Twos’ crimes as ancient history, 1 News was trying to deflect scrutiny away from Campbell’s potential complicity. Did his meetings cover up abuse? Was he privy to the allegations? There’s so much abuse within the cult that it’s hard to believe otherwise. These are the questions 1 News should be demanding answers for, not burying the truth under limp, Tory-friendly drivel. Instead, they’re propping up National’s spin, leaving survivors to fend for themselves while a powerful MP slinks away with questions about his involvement unanswered.

This isn’t just about one liar in a suit. It’s about a biased media so spineless it’s practically giving the thumbs up to abusers. 1 News appears to be too busy kissing National’s boots to give a damn about justice. The Two By Twos’ victims deserve truth, not this cowardly right-wing whitewash perpetrated by the government's main propaganda mouthpiece. If 1 News won’t report the truth, it’s up to us to hold power to account. Because without a clear focus on pedophile cults like the Two By Twos, their “elders” will continue to infiltrate the very inner sanctum of our political establishment.

The Coalition of Chaos: Democracy Be Damned

The New Zealand coalition government, a Frankenstein’s monster of National, ACT, and NZ First, has once again shown its utter contempt for our democracy. This time it's the Ministry for Regulation, who didn’t even bother to read thousands of submissions on the Regulatory Standards Bill, a piece of legislation so insidious it’s been dubbed a “backdoor rewrite” of New Zealand’s founding document. This follows hot on the heels of the coalition of chaos’ dismissal of overwhelming public opposition to ACT’s Treaty Principles Bill. It’s a pattern of arrogance so profound that it's eroding the very foundations of our democratic process.

Let’s start with the Regulatory Standards Bill. Newsroom reports that of the 23,000 submissions received, a staggering number were left unread by the Ministry, with ACT’s David Seymour shrugging off the 99.67% opposition as “off-topic.” This isn’t just negligence; it’s a deliberate middle finger to the voting public. These submissions weren’t spam...they were the voices of everyday New Zealanders, including 114 submissions from iwi/hapū, raising serious concerns about the bill’s failure to uphold Te Tiriti obligations.

The Waitangi Tribunal called for an immediate halt, citing breaches of Treaty principles, but Seymour dismissed them as a “parallel government.” This is the same playbook used with the Treaty Principles Bill, where the Justice Select Committee admitted 97% of submissions opposed it, yet the coalition plowed ahead, reopening submissions to dilute the backlash after their undemocratic tactics were revealed. It’s a cynical ploy to wear down dissent while pretending to listen.


Today, Newsroom reported:

Thousands of Regulatory Standards Bill submissions not read by ministry

David Seymour said ‘there just weren’t that many’ worthwhile ideas in the 23,000 submissions on his proposed legislation

The majority of the 22,821 submissions on last year's consultation on a potential Regulatory Standards Bill weren't even read by the Ministry for Regulation before proposals on next steps were taken to Cabinet.

The article by Marc Daalder is not accessible to the general public, raising the question: Are our mainstream media outlets truly committed to informing voters about the government’s undemocratic decision-making?

Unfortunately this type of fascist move isn’t an isolated incident either...it’s a feature of this coalition’s arrogant and out of touch governance. Take the Pay Equity Amendment Bill, rammed through under urgency in a mere 48 hours with no select committee, no public submissions, and no consultation with the Ministry of Women’s Affairs. Thirty-three claims affecting thousands of workers were scrapped overnight, disproportionately harming low-paid women. The secrecy and speed reek of a government terrified of scrutiny, and the Prime Minister’s accusations of “scaremongering” only underline their disdain for accountability.

Then there’s the Fast-track legislation, a love letter to extractive industries that sidelines environmental protections and public input. Māori rights group Toitū te Tiriti warned that the Regulatory Standards Bill could wipe Treaty clauses from law, yet the coalition presses on, undeterred by 18,000 signatures and a huge hīkoi protesting similar anti-Treaty moves. Even coalition partner Winston Peters, sensing the weight of public opinion, has raised concerns. But don’t hold your breath for National to rein in ACT’s neoliberal over-reach. They are waiting to see if they can undermine our democracy and get away with it.

This coalition of chaos treats public opinion like an inconvenience. They cherry-pick submissions, bypass due process, and govern by ambush, all while cloaking their insidious actions in a veil of culture wars and dishonest rhetoric about “transparency” and “economic efficiency.” Seymour’s claim that the Regulatory Standards Bill will “cut red tape” is a thinly veiled excuse to entrench ACT’s ideology at the expense of Māori rights and public input.

New Zealand deserves better than a government that listens only to its own echo chamber. It’s time to call this what it is: a betrayal of democracy. We must continue to resist, organise, and demand accountability before this coalition of chaos dismantles everything we hold dear.

National's Blogger David Farrar Smears Senior Doctors

Right-wing blogger David Farrar, the National Party’s go to spin merchant, has been at it again with another smear job, this time targeting New Zealand’s senior doctors. His latest hit piece, as dissected by Ian Powell on Scoop, is a textbook example of how to prop up a failing government’s anti-health agenda with half-truths and bad faith. Farrar’s attack on salaried senior doctors at Health New Zealand (HNZ) isn’t just lazy propaganda…it’s a deliberate attempt to distract from the Coalition’s gutting of our public health system.

Farrar’s blog, Kiwiblog, has long been a mouthpiece for National’s talking points, and his recent post attacking senior doctors is no exception. He paints them as overpaid, underworked, and somehow responsible for HNZ’s woes. Sound familiar? It’s the same tired playbook National always trots out to justify slashing health budgets and privatising services. Powell nails it: Farrar’s “predictable smear” cherry-picks data to vilify doctors while ignoring the real issues…chronic underfunding and mismanagement by a government hell-bent on austerity.

Yesterday, Scoop reported:

Predictable Smear On Senior Doctors

...

Joining in on misrepresentation and smearing

Now right-wing blogger David Farrar has jumped in support of Brown with his own smear on his Kiwiblog site (7 May): Perks smear. He alleges that salaried senior doctors employed by Health New Zealand and the Ministry of Health received “huge perks”.

It is important to understand what perks are (and what they are not). They are additional benefits to enhance the employment package such as health insurance or a company car. They don’t involve reimbursement of actual and reasonable work-related expenses.

The problem with Farrar’s argument is that it is based on major errors and sloppy homework. This is not new territory for him.

I have previously called him out (11 December) for erroneous claims about resident (junior) doctors leaving for Australia: Farrar’s incomplete health workforce analysis.

Farrar’s hearsay evidence

On this second occasion his evidence is based on a reader writing to him claiming that salaried senior doctors employed by:

… Health NZ and the Ministry of Health get generous leave and expenses for so-called professional development – which is often an overseas conference in an exotic location – flying business class and staying in a premium hotel. I have this on good authority from someone who processes the claims! This leave and generous allowance which can accumulated for two or more years.

This is hardly robust investigation. At best it is hearsay. To begin with, Health Ministry employed senior doctors are not covered by the collective agreement covering Health New Zealand employed senior doctors.

Farrar is discussing something that applies to the latter, not the former. Further, claims to the two different employers would not be processed by the same person

By referring only to one part of the entitlement and then incorrectly calling it an allowance, he is both selective and factually wrong.

 

Everybody should realise that senior doctors aren’t the problem. They’re the backbone of a public health system stretched to breaking point by years of neglect. HNZ is bleeding staff, with junior doctors fleeing to Australia for better pay and conditions, as Powell’s earlier piece on Farrar’s “incomplete” workforce analysis pointed out. Yet Farrar has the gall to scapegoat doctors, who are working overtime to keep hospitals running despite crumbling infrastructure and impossible workloads. Farrar’s blog post isn’t analysis; it’s disinformation designed to soften the ground for National’s next round of cuts…all with the long-term goal of privatising our health system.

The timing stinks, too. National’s health policy is a shambles...with Health NZ’s disestablishment of expert teams and a “slash and burn” approach under Commissioner Lester Levy starting to really bight. Farrar’s smear dovetails perfectly with the government’s narrative that public sector workers, not government incompetence, is to blame for the crisis. Powell rightly calls this out, noting how Farrar’s attack aligns with National’s push to deflect from their failure to fund health properly. It’s classic misdirection: blame the workers, not the policies causing the problems.

What’s galling is Farrar’s intellectual dishonesty. He ignores the complexity of healthcare delivery, where senior doctors juggle clinical work, training, and system leadership. Instead, he spins a simplistic yarn about “productivity” to fuel public resentment. This isn’t just wrong, it’s dangerously disingenuous. Eroding trust in doctors undermines the entire health system, paving the way for National’s mates in private healthcare to swoop in and scoop up talent they haven’t paid for. You might call me paranoid, but just look at the creeping privatisation under this government, from private hospital contracts to outsourcing services to make waiting times look better than they actually are. Privatisation is the goal, and the National-led government isn’t afraid to gut our health system or demoralise Doctors to achieve it.

Most New Zealanders know this game. National’s anti-health policies (underfunding and now smearing frontline workers) are underhanded tactics tearing apart a system we all rely on. Farrar’s role is to provide the ideological cover, dressing up austerity as reform. But we’re not buying it. Senior doctors deserve our support, not baseless attacks from a blogger shilling for a government that’s failing on numerous fronts.

Jack Tame vs. Chlöe Swarbrick: Q+A’s Double Standards

Jack Tame’s Q+A interviews are often a litmus test for political discourse in Aotearoa, but his recent frost-fest with Green Party co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick exposed a troubling bias that contrasts sharply with his kid-gloves treatment of other politicians, such as ACT’s Brooke van Velden in prior appearances. The disparity in tone and scrutiny raises questions about Tame’s fairness and whether he’s more interested in sneering at the left rather than probing the issues that matter...like New Zealand’s economic lethargy, woeful productivity and the mass exodus of talent driven by low wages.

The recent Q+A interview was a hard watch. Jack Tame, after a cordial introduction, soon resorted to spitting tacks at Swarbrick, his condescension stronger than Mike Hosking’s Sunday morning G&T. Swarbrick, armed with evidence and conviction, argued for a higher tax rate on the ultra-wealthy to tackle New Zealand’s obscene inequality, where the top 1% own a quarter of the wealth while half the country scrapes by on just 2%. All of that was lost on Tame, who failed to professionally inform the audience about any details of the Green budget, which he, just like ACT and National Party propaganda, poured cold water on.

Chlöe, with a calm and resolute demeanour, said she would need to get back with some statistics about the myth that taxing the rich would spark a capital flight. She was right to point out that Jack Tame was trying to get a Gotcha moment, which caused Tame to become even more annoyed that Swarbrick wouldn’t entertain his line of questioning. Tame went at it with all the ignorance of someone with a personal interest in keeping taxes on the wealthy low…a vested interest that clearly skewed his interviewing style.

The biased interview even caused 1 News (the government's mouthpiece), to publish a report largely in support of Jack Tame, conveniently glossing over his incorrect assertions and combative interviewing style...a publication that wouldn’t have been required if the Q+A interview had been even handed.


Yesterday, 1 News reported:

’Not a gotcha': Swarbrick pushed on details over Green Budget

She was then questioned about the risk that new taxes could lead to capital flight, which Treasury officials have previously warned of. Swarbrick said the issue had been "accounted for" and that the plan had been independently costed.

But the co-leader conceded she wasn't across the "specific figures", adding that she "didn't think it's a constructive display if we're just focusing on those gotcha moments".

"I'm going to be completely honest with you and say that I'm going to need to come back to you on those details," Swarbrick said, to pushback from interviewer Jack Tame. He later said the question was "not a gotcha".

The point is that New Zealand’s lifestyle, community, and stability keep the wealthy anchored here. Studies back this up: the OECD has long shown progressive taxation doesn’t drive mass emigration when paired with strong public services. But Tame wasn’t having a bar of the truth. He berated Chlöe, framing her push for fairness as naive idealism, his tone more suited to a schoolyard bully rather than a public broadcaster seeking clarity. It was a mainstream media exercise in missing the point.

Contrast this with Tame’s earlier interviews with Brooke van Velden, ACT’s workplace relations Minister. Van Velden has always been handed a hospital pass when it comes to New Zealand’s shameful workplace safety record, which is still one of the worst in the OECD, and countless injuries due to lax regulations and underfunded enforcement. Yet Tame, in his previous interviews, barely pressed the ACT Party Minister on this issue.

However, ample time was provided for Brooke van Velden to talk nonsense, with her interviews feeling like a cozy chat, not the scrutiny a minister overseeing such a dire portfolio deserves. The Jack Tame interview from last year was nothing like the interrogation Chlöe Swarbrick endured, and you can pretty much guarantee that van Velden’s push to gut pay equity laws, scrapping claims for 150,000 low-paid women, would received a similar free pass as well, if she had allowed herself to be interviewed on the matter.

Tame then went on to call Swarbrick a liar while talking about recidivism statistics, even though she was quoting from former National Party MP Chester Burrows’ Safe and Effective Justice Advisory Group review. Tame wouldn’t accept the fact that prison doesn’t generally rehabilitate people, arguing that those who stay longer in prison are less likely to commit crimes when they’re released, effectively parroting ACT’s argument for longer sentences. Perhaps he’s unaware that the National-led government has cancelled funding for most prison rehabilitation services, rehabilitation which is now a requirement to receive parole. Along with sentencing changes, this is pushing the prison population upwards, a travesty to ensure the government's new jails are kept at capacity.

Jack Tame's ignorance and double standards are galling when you consider the stakes. New Zealand’s economy is stagnating, and low wages combined with the cost of living crisis are fuelling a mass exodus. Around 64,000 Kiwis left last year, many young and skilled, chasing better wages abroad. But where is the media outrage about this major issue? Treasury’s own data shows real wages have barely budged in a decade, while housing costs soar and inequality festers.

Swarbrick and the Green Party’s tax proposals (which would address the IRD’s findings that the richest pay effective tax rates half that of average earners) aim to fund public services and stem this exodus. She’s not reinventing the wheel; countries like Denmark and Sweden thrive with higher taxes and robust social safety nets. Their living standards are well above New Zealand’s. Yet Tame painted Swarbrick as a radical, ignoring the evidence and economic lethargy the Green Party's policies are designed to alleviate.

The questioning then turned to the worthwhile proposal for free dental care for everyone. What Tame seems to misunderstand, while insinuating that Swarbrick wasn’t being an adult, is that the Green Party’s plan would actually save the country money, as fewer people would have sick days or be hospitalised. With New Zealand’s productivity being comparatively low, this is something that must be addressed.

As a conservative estimate, unmet dental healthcare in New Zealand likely costs the economy several billion dollars annually, with $2.5 billion in lost productivity, $103 million in sick days, and $4.7 million in emergency care because people cannot access proper dentistry services. Contrast those costs with what the government is currently paying for oral health care, around $242 million annually on the public health system and $4.7 million annually on government dental grants for the poor.

Tame’s bias in the Chlöe Swarbrick interview isn’t just a personal failing; it’s a betrayal of public broadcasting’s role. Q+A should challenge power, not coddle it while attacking opposition MPs. Tame invariably lets the government's neoliberal policies slide, while the Green’s vision for a fairer Aotearoa gets talked over or sneered at. The real story...New Zealand’s economic lethargy, wage stagnation, and an all too preventable brain drain caused by the government's socially destructive austerity...gets buried under the mainstream medias selective outrage.

Swarbrick’s right: taxing wealth won’t scare the rich away, but ignoring inequality will drive everyday New Zealanders out. Tame needs to ditch the political bias, equally hold all politicians to account, and let the public decide what future government they want. Until then, Q+A risks becoming just another stage for establishment narratives designed to keep the status quo.

Judith Collins - Arsehole Of The Week

In a move that reeks of authoritarianism, Judith Collins, as chair of Parliament’s Privileges Committee, has overseen the unprecedented suspension of three Te Pāti Māori MPs...Rawiri Waititi, Debbie Ngarewa-Packer, and Hana-Rāwhiti Maipi-Clarke...for performing a haka in protest against the divisive Treaty Principles Bill. This 21-day suspension for the co-leaders and seven days for Maipi-Clarke, without pay, is not just a slap in the face to Māori representation; it’s a blatant attack on democratic expression. Collins calls it “intimidating” and the “worst” behaviour she’s seen in Parliament. Really, Judith? Let’s unpack your own rap sheet and see how it stacks up.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:

The House: Parliamentary privileges - Race as an aggravating factor?

Analysis: On Wednesday, Parliament's Privileges Committee released its final report into the MPs who protested the Treaty Principles Bill with a haka in the House in November 2024.

There was surprise and shock over the recommended punishments for Te Pāti Māori MPs, which seemed both unprecedented and extreme.

 

In retrospect, considering this week's response from Parliament's Speaker, the advice now available from Parliament's Clerk, and Committee Chair Judith Collins' public defence of her own report, that the initial reaction was overly calm. The committee report now appears partisan, indefensible and open to attacks of racism.

…

The committee particularly asked for contextual information about penalties. One member even asked for information about imprisonment.

 

Collins, who is likely the committee member who proposed locking up Māori Party MPs for doing a haka, has a knack for tossing red meat to the racists. Her 2021 speech criticising Labour’s treaty-focused policies as “separate systems” was clearly dog-whistling, stirring up anti-Māori sentiment while feigning concern for disaffected white New Zealanders. Her selective outrage...praising ACT’s C-word slinger Brooke van Velden while crucifying Māori MPs for a haka, shows a double standard based solely on her racism and political alliances.

The haka in question, a cultural expression of resistance widely used throughout New Zealand, didn't even temporarily disrupt the vote (as Collins claimed), on a bill that many see as eroding the Treaty of Waitangi’s foundations. The vote had already occurred before the haka comenced, which was a powerful, non-violent act of dissent. Yet Collins and her committee have weaponised parliamentary rules to try and silence Māori voices.

This is an undemocratic misuse of parliament’s processes, which have been weaponised to punish MPs for peacefully representing their constituents’ outrage. Labour, Greens, and Māori Party members have slammed the penalties as excessive, with Te Pāti Māori’s lawyer, Tania Waikato, calling it an “absolute disgrace.” Collins’ claim that this isn’t about tikanga but about “impeding a vote” is a flimsy excuse to dodge the cultural insensitivity she has put in play. I mean what’s next…sending MPs to the privileges committee for using filibustering to impede a vote?

Now, let’s talk further about Collins’ own track record. In 2014, Collins was sacked as a minister under John Key for her role in the “Dirty Politics” scandal, orchestrating National Party smear campaigns through right-wing bloggers like Cameron Slater. Hypocrisy much? She’s no stranger to undermining democracy when it suits her. Then there’s her 2009 comment about “fat people” clogging up healthcare, a callous jab that dehumanizes an entire group while deflecting from the systemic issues that cause obesity, health issues that many of National’s polices only exacerbate. Then there’s her death threat. In 2013, she told a journalist investigating her conflicts of interest to “meet his maker,” an open call for his killing that’s far more intimidating than any heartfelt haka.

Collins’ selective outrage is telling. She praised ACT’s Brooke van Velden for using the C-word in Parliament, calling it “standing up for herself,” yet a Māori cultural protest is “unprecedented” and deserving of draconian and unprecedented punishment. This double standard exposes a deeper issue: Collins and her ilk are comfortable with parliamentary “civility” only when it upholds their interests and the status quo. The haka challenged that, and they can’t handle it.

This suspension isn’t just about three MPs; it’s about silencing Māori resistance and punishing those who dare disrupt a mechanism of colonial repression. Collins’ history of dirty tactics, divisive rhetoric, and outright threats to private citizens shows she’s no guardian of democracy. If anyone should be suspended, it’s her, for a career of racism and dirty political tactics.

Judith Collins earns this week’s Arsehole Award for suspending Māori MPs over a haka while her own rap sheet (smears, threats, and racist insults) stinks worse than a leaking landfill. Her undemocratic power trip proves she’s less about parliamentary order and more about keeping Māori in check. It’s well past time Judith Collins bowed out of politics. Her particular brand of racism and bias is no longer acceptable in a multicultural country that is eager to move forward.

Coalition’s Climate Chaos: Selling Out To Big Polluters

Climate Change Minister Simon Watts

You may have noticed that climate change has largely dropped off the radar, even though many people are still dealing with the long laborious task of recovering after unprecedented storms decimated many parts of New Zealand. So what is the National-led government doing about this existential threat? Nothing good really. The latest reforms to the New Zealand Emissions Trading Scheme (NZ ETS), rolled out by the Coalition of Chaos, are yet another example of the government kicking the climate can down the road. These changes, meant to bolster our fight against climate change, are about as effective as a paper towel in a cyclone. Let’s unpack this mess and remind ourselves how we got here, thanks to decades of gutless decisions by government's who appear obsessed with cooking the planet.


On Monday, RNZ reported:

Auckland prepares for climate change realities

Auckland's emergency response teams are preparing for the realities of climate change, considering potentially life saving options such as leaving air conditioned libraries open for longer during heatwaves.

But when it comes to stopping climate change from getting worse, figures show our biggest city is way off target.

…

But University of Auckland senior planning lecture Dr Tim Welch said public transport trips were still below pre-lockdown levels in 2019, while cycling trips have only just recovered to their 2019 levels - at about 370,000 journeys a month in March.

Add plunging electric vehicle sales, and the goals looked out of reach.

"We're wildly off track and I could say, without being pessimistic, just being a realist here, that unless we do something dramatic very very soon that's transformational we are going to miss these targets by a significant amount."

It's becoming more apparent that NZ’s climate policies are no longer enough to help keep warming at 1.5°C. In particular, the NZ ETS, our flagship tool for cutting emissions, has been tinkered with time and time again, with the coalition claiming it’ll somehow magically align with our 2050 net-zero goal. But dig into the details, and it’s clear this is more about appeasing big polluters than saving the planet.

The reforms, following 2023 consultations, aim to cap emissions and tweak forestry rules, but they’re riddled with loopholes. Agriculture, which churns out nearly half of our emissions, gets another free pass until at least 2030, despite promises to price methane by 2025. This isn’t reform; it’s a love letter to the dairy lobby while they rob New Zealanders blind, signed by a government too spineless to act.

National’s refusal to ditch pollution subsidies is a gut-punch to climate action. Forking out $250 million annually to prop up big polluters like NZ Steel and Methanex, while crying poor on schools and hospitals, exposes their priorities: corporate mates over a liveable planet. Treasury and He Pou a Rangi begged for a review, but Simon Watts slammed the door shut.

These handouts, entrenched since 2008, let emissions-intensive industries pollute without penalty, undermining the ETS’s purpose. It’s a shameless betrayal of New Zealanders, locking us into a dirtier more precarious future while National hands tax cuts to landlords. The next government must end this rort and make the unrepentant polluters pay.

Simon Watts, National’s Climate Change Minister, is a polluter’s dream. A former banker with zero climate credibility, he’s dodged reviewing $250 million in subsidies to big polluters, ignoring Treasury and IRD. His ETS fumbles and fossil fuel flip-flops at COP28 expose a minister out of his depth, prioritising corporate cronies over the planet.


In April, RNZ reported:

 

Ministers rejected advice to review climate grants

Ministers rejected advice to take a hard look at hundreds of millions of dollars in climate grants to the likes of NZ Steel, Methanex, Rio Tinto, and Fletcher Building.

Inland Revenue and Treasury told the government there was no proper evidence that yearly subsidies to some of the country's biggest carbon polluters were needed.

Their recommendation for a thorough review was met with a no thanks from Minister Simon Watts. 

 

He Pou a Rangi’s plan to flood the ETS with 13.6 million extra NZ emission units from 2026-2030 is a reckless backslide. National’s cronies on the commission seem happy to juice auction volumes, letting polluters off the hook. Lower industrial allocations should mean emissions cuts, not more credits to burn. This isn’t climate policy. We need a hard cap, not a free-for-all that spikes our Paris NDC costs. Time to stop sabotaging the ETS and start putting pressure on polluters to force New Zealand's emissions down.

The coalition’s obsession with forestry offsets is another head-scratcher. They’re doubling down on planting exotic trees to soak up carbon, ignoring the Climate Change Commission’s warning that over-reliance on pine trees masks real emissions cuts. This isn’t new; past governments have leaned on dodgy Land Use, Land Use Change and Forestry (LULUCF) accounting to fudge numbers, pretending we’re greener than we are. The result? Our 2030 Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) relies on buying billions of dollars worth of international offsets, because we can’t cut emissions at home.

Flash back to the 2000s: the ETS was launched without a cap, meaning unlimited emissions were “traded.” Genius. Then, the National-led government of 2008-2017 kept prices so low that polluters had no reason to change. Fast forward to today, and the coalition’s squabbling with ACT wanting to gut the Zero Carbon Act, while NZ First peddles climate denial, and National just shrugs, ensures we’re stuck in neutral and doing nothing. Their plan to divert the Climate Emergency Response Fund to tax cuts is a gross denial of the realities of climate change fuelled storms.

The science is screaming: methane cuts are urgent, yet the coalition’s dragging its feet on any meaningful investment. The Zero Carbon Act’s split-gas target was a compromise, but even that’s too much for this lot. They’re betting on future tech miracles while ignoring low-hanging fruit like public transport or regenerative farming. New Zealand’s climate goals (net-zero by 2050, halving emissions by 2030) are slipping away, and the coalition’s reforms and pro oil and gas policies are just more nails in the coffin.

New Zealand’s pollution crisis is dire: 2015 saw 17.5 tonnes of greenhouse gases per capita, 33% above the industrialised nation average. Agricultural methane, half our emissions, remains untaxed, ballooning our carbon footprint. Storm frequency is surging. NIWA projects a 30% increase in flooding risks by 2099 under high-emission scenarios, with 1-in-50-year storms already being a regular occurrence and hitting harder. Climate change is pummelling Aotearoa hard, yet National’s ETS fiddling and polluter subsidies keep us on a collision course with catastrophe.

The government’s cozying up to polluters reeks of corruption. Their refusal to axe $250 million in subsidies for NZ Steel and Rio Tinto, despite expert warnings, shows that big business is pulling the strings. While the Coalition of Chaos cries poor on public services, their loyalty lies with corporate donors, not the planet. It’s a bribe-fueled betrayal of every Kiwi facing the very real consequences of climate disaster.

This isn’t leadership; it’s a betrayal of future generations. The Coalition of Chaos is recycling the same tired excuses, leaving others to clean up their mess. Time to force polluters to reduce their footprint, price agriculture’s emissions properly, and actually fight for a liveable planet. Anything less is just hot air.

National Has Increased The Child Suicide Rate

The latest UNICEF Innocenti Report Card 19, Fragile Gains - Child Wellbeing at Risk in an Unpredictable World, should be a wake up call for the New Zealand government. Ranking us 32nd out of 36 OECD and EU countries for child wellbeing, it lays bare a shameful truth: our kids are struggling, and the National-led government’s obsession with austerity is making their lives even harder. With the highest child suicide rate among wealthy nations, nearly three times the OECD average, Aotearoa is failing its youngest citizens. But instead of owning their role in this crisis, National is pointing fingers, dodging the real culprit: their own socially destructive policies.


On Thursday, RNZ reported:

 

New Zealand has highest child suicide rate, a survey of wealthy countries shows

Chief Children's Commissioner Dr Claire Achmad said the rankings showed that meaningful investment in children and young people was urgently needed to support child and youth mental health, including suicide prevention measures, and better support for the prevention of bullying in schools and communities.

"I've been clear that we need to see a central focus on children in Budget 2025," she said. "This is necessary to deliver on the government's own Child and Youth Strategy to 'make New Zealand the best place in the world to be a child'.

"It's devastating that among other high-income countries, we reported the highest youth suicide rate. We also know that attempted suicide rates for rangatahi Māori, Rainbow children and young people and disabled children are higher."

Dr Achmad said she wanted the government to collect and publish good-quality data on child mortality.

"Significantly reducing childhood poverty must be a core investment area for the government, given the ripple effects it has on children's lives. The data in the government's own recent Annual Report on Children and Young People's wellbeing shows that we are going backwards when it comes to providing enough safe housing, healthy food and primary health and dental care." she said.

"I want to see all children in our country flourish to their full potential. As this international comparison shows, we can and must do much, much better for children. These are their basic rights that we are talking about, and as a small, relatively rich country, it shouldn't be like this."

Let’s talk about the grinding poverty that’s effecting too many Kiwi kids. The report highlights how economic inequality, worsened by National’s cuts to social services, is driving child poverty rates in the wrong direction. Statistics NZ data shows no improvement in poverty metrics since 2022, with food insecurity and material hardship on the rise. Kids are going hungry in a country that prides itself on abundance.

National’s answer? Slash welfare support, remove emergency housing and prioritise tax cuts for the wealthy. The ripple effects are clear: poverty fuels mental health crises, and hungry kids can’t thrive. The government’s own Annual Report on Child and Youth Wellbeing confirms we’re failing on basics like safe housing and healthy food. Yet, National’s Budget ignores these cries for help, doubling down on austerity that strips away any hope for a brighter future.

Housing insecurity is another dagger in the heart of child wellbeing. The report underscores how unstable, overcrowded homes, exacerbated by a housing crisis National refuses to tackle, erode mental and physical health. Kids in transient, mouldy rentals or living on the streets aren’t just uncomfortable; they’re traumatised.

UNICEF Aotearoa’s CEO, Michelle Sharp, says the upcoming Budget is an opportunity for the government to create positive change, but National’s asleep at the wheel, ignoring recommendations from reports like Under One Umbrella that demand action on housing and poverty. Instead, they’ve dismantled initiatives like Te Aka Whai Ora, which could’ve addressed inequities for Māori and Pacific youth, who face disproportionate levels of youth suicide.

And then there’s the cost-of-living crisis, squeezing families until they break. With energy and food prices soaring, parents are forced to choose between rent and groceries. Kids bear the brunt, with 40% of Kiwi children overweight, a symptom of food insecurity driving reliance on cheap, unhealthy options. National’s response? Blame anybody but themselves.

But what else is new? Historical data shows youth suicide rates always climb under National’s watch. You only have to look at the 2010-2017 period, when rates hit 15.6 per 100,000, the worst in the OECD. Coincidence? Hardly. The right-wings’ austerity breeds hopelessness and increases suicides.

But all the Minister for Social Development and Employment, Luise Upston, can do is say there’s “more work to do”. Here’s a list of some of the “work” that the National coalition of chaos government has done to increase the child suicide rate.

• Lowered Ambition for Targets: In June 2024, the National-led government set new three-year targets for 2024/25–2026/27, which critics argue are less ambitious than those set by Labour. For instance, the material hardship target was adjusted to 10% by 2026/27, acknowledging economic challenges but aiming to merely maintain current rates rather than significantly reduce them. The persistent poverty target for 2028 was set at 10%, with a long-term goal of 8% by 2035, reflecting a cautious approach that anticipates short-term increases due to economic conditions.

• Missed Existing Targets: Statistics NZ data released in February 2025 showed the government missed all three primary child poverty targets for 2023/24. Material hardship rose to 13.4% (156,600 children) against a target of 9%, with no significant progress on low-income measures either. Māori and Pacific children faced even higher rates (23.9% and 28.7%, respectively), highlighting persistent inequities.

• Shift in Policy Focus: National’s Budget 2024 emphasized work incentives over direct poverty alleviation, tying child poverty reduction to reducing Jobseeker Support recipients by 50,000 over six years. Initiatives like FamilyBoost and increased In-Work Tax Credits aim to support working families, but critics, including UNICEF NZ, argue these measures fail to address immediate needs like housing affordability and food insecurity. Policies such as extending Best Start payments or introducing universal child payments were suggested but not adopted.

• Changing Funding Allocation and Blame-Shifting: National has prioritised tax breaks for landlords and other fiscal measures over child poverty reduction, effectively reducing targets instead of poverty. The government is also deflecting blame to social media and bullying rather than addressing systemic issues like poverty and housing insecurity, which exacerbate child wellbeing challenges.

• Changes to the school lunches programme: Reduced funding and a shift to less nutritious, inedible, cost-saving options, have worsened food insecurity for Kiwi kids. Disadvantaged children, particularly Māori and Pacific youth, suffer most, with 13.4% facing material hardship. The UNICEF’s Innocenti Report Card 19 highlights how these cuts strip away a vital lifeline, deepening poverty and undermining wellbeing for the most vulnerable.

• Legislating limits on gender rights: The Human Rights Commissioner warned that by restricting gender recognition and support, the government's policies alienate transgender youth, which will exacerbate mental health struggles for an already marginalised group. With New Zealand’s youth suicide rate already the highest in the OECD, this rollback threatens even more lives.

The government has also tried to limit reporting on child well-being, with the Office of the Auditor-General noting in April 2025 that governance and reporting arrangements for suicide remain complex, limiting public understanding and accountability. Clearly the government, knowing their policies are worsening the situation, have attempted to restrict the public from learning of their numerous social policy failures. In effect they have breached the social contract.

 

It's still patently obvious however that National’s policies are a wrecking ball for child wellbeing. Yet they’re scapegoating kids’ phones and playground spats. What we don’t need is a government who points the finger while ignoring their own role in causing these shameful and preventable results. Instead. we need investment in housing, poverty reduction, and mental health support without any further delay. Our kids deserve better than a government that sacrifices their future just to make some landlords and themselves wealthier.

Why Hasn’t Nicole McKee Registered Her Firearms?

In a stunning display of hypocrisy, Associate Justice Minister Nicole McKee, who also oversees firearms policy, has admitted she hasn’t registered her own firearms on New Zealand’s Firearms Registry, despite the legal requirement for all licensed firearms owners to do so.

This isn’t just a minor oversight; it’s a slap in the face to the rule of law and public safety. As someone tasked with upholding justice and shaping firearms policy, McKee’s failure to comply with the Arms Act 1983, as amended in 2020, raises serious questions about her suitability for her role and the government’s commitment to accountability.

The Arms Act mandates that all firearms owned by licensed holders must be registered with the Firearms Registry by 2028, with the process already underway since June 2023. Section 94 of the Act clearly requires licence holders to provide details of their firearms to ensure traceability and prevent illegal use. However, McKee, a gun lobbyist with deep ties to the Council of Licensed Firearms Owners (Colfo), has placed herself above the law she’s meant to enforce. Her excuse that she has until 2028 reeks of privilege and undermines the leadership expected of a minister.

In September, RNZ reported:

Firearms Minister Nicole McKee won't rule out trying to bring back banned guns

Cabinet has agreed - but not yet finalised - a law change that would give Nicole McKee the power to propose what guns should or should not be prohibited.

McKee, a former gun lobbyist, said the change was administrative, though she would not rule out trying to liberalise access to high-powered semi-automatics.

The Firearms Registry was introduced after the Christchurch mosque killings to enhance public safety by tracking firearms and ensuring accountability. If McKee can flout this requirement while bringing back the very same semi-automatics that inflicted so much carnage, without consequence, what message does that send to ordinary New Zealanders?

The Police Association has already raised concerns about McKee’s exclusion of police from firearms reform consultations, which along with her rushed review process, suggests a troubling pattern of prioritizing pro-gun interests over public safety. Police Minister Mark Mitchell’s unwavering support for police oversight contrasts sharply with McKee’s apparent disdain for it, creating a dangerous rift in the coalition government’s approach.

#BHN Nicole McKee is adorable that she is so grumpy about the gun registry review not going the way she wanted it to...it's almost like she set it up to give her a response she wanted...rather than the actual findings #nzpol pic.twitter.com/IMYPPDpHC9

— Pat Brittenden (@patbrittenden) May 13, 2025

McKee’s background as a pro-gun lobbyist is the crux of the issue. Her appointment as Associate Justice Minister and Minister for Courts is a clear conflict of interest. Her history with Colfo and her firearms safety business raises doubts about her impartiality, as evidenced by her push to ease regulations for gun clubs and ranges, often at the expense of police oversight.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s insistence that McKee hasn’t breached Cabinet rules does little to quell public distrust when her actions, like comparing gun registries to toaster registries, trivialise serious safety measures. This isn’t just about one minister’s negligence; it’s about a government allowing a pro-gun advocate to steer justice policy while ignoring legal and social obligations.

McKee’s refusal to register her firearms isn’t just a personal failing...it’s a betrayal of public trust and a mockery of the laws designed to keep us safe. Luxon must reconsider whether a minister so entangled with gun lobby interests, who has ignored due process, can credibly serve the interests of the public. If he had a backbone or any common sense, Nicole McKee would be stood down. Anything less will mean a government minister continues to erode the integrity of our justice system.

Brownlee’s Bias: Māori MPs Punished, van Velden Spared

In a Parliament that’s supposed to uphold fairness, the recent punishments meted out to Te Pāti Māori MPs for their haka protest compared to Workplace Relations Minister Brooke van Velden for her use of the C-word expose a glaring double standard. Speaker Gerry Brownlee and the Privileges Committee have once again shown that when it comes to enforcing parliamentary decorum, the rules bend depending on who’s in the dock.

Let’s start with Te Pāti Māori. On November 14, 2024, MPs Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, Rawiri Waititi, and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer performed a haka during the first reading of the divisive Treaty Principles Bill, a protest against legislation that erodes Māori rights. The haka, a profound expression of cultural identity and resistance, often used by the New Zealand All Blacks, disrupted the vote, prompting Brownlee to suspend the House and dock Maipi-Clarke’s pay for 24 hours.

The Privileges Committee, chaired by National’s Judith Collins, went even further, recommending unprecedented suspensions: 21 days for Waititi and Ngarewa-Packer, and seven days for Maipi-Clarke, the harshest penalties in New Zealand’s parliamentary history. The committee claimed the issue wasn’t the haka itself but its “intimidatory” nature. Te Pāti Māori called the process “grossly unjust,” arguing it dismissed tikanga Māori and silenced their voices.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:
 

Te Pāti Māori MPs to be temporarily suspended from Parliament over haka

Te Pāti Māori MPs will be temporarily suspended from Parliament for "acting in a manner that could have the effect of intimidating a member of the House" after performing a haka during the first reading of the Treaty Principles Bill.

Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke will be suspended for seven days, while co-leaders Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi will be "severely censured" and suspended for 21 days.

The three MPs - along with Labour's Peeni Henare - were referred to the Privileges Committee for their involvement in a haka and protests in the House in November, at the first reading of the contentious Treaty Principles Bill.

The suspension means the three Te Pāti Māori MPs will not be present at next week's Budget debate.

Contrast this extreme punishment with Brooke van Velden’s slap on the wrist for her recent disruptive profanity. In a heated debate, van Velden repeatedly used the C-word to criticize Labour’s Jan Tinetti, who had simply asked what the government thought about an opinion piece written by Andrea Vance, who had used the C-word to describe government Ministers. Brownlee’s response? A mild reprimand, requiring van Velden to withdraw and apologise, with no further action. No suspension, no pay docking, no Privileges Committee referral. This leniency for a coalition MP, whose deliberate use of a vulgar slur was undeniably disruptive, stands in stark contrast to the draconian measures employed against Te Pāti Māori to try and silence their concerns about the government's anti-Māori agenda.

Brownlee’s track record as Speaker raises questions about his impartiality. His rulings often favour the coalition of chaos government, as seen when he overruled the Clerk of the House and his assistant speaker on a fast-track bill amendment, prioritising coalition interests, which caused the Labour party to lose confidence in him as speaker. The haka incident further exposes this bias. While Brownlee claimed the haka’s disruption of a vote was a “cardinal sin,” he downplayed van Velden’s vulgar outburst as a mere breach of decorum. The Privileges Committee’s recommendation amplifies this disparity, punishing a culturally significant act of protest far more harshly than a crude verbal attack.

My overseas friends keep telling me the scenes they saw in parliament yesterday were sickening & I've had to explain to them his name is Gerry Brownlee & he has always looked like this pic.twitter.com/9g7pxQG73c

— Liquid Times (@Liquid_Times) November 15, 2024

This isn’t just about inconsistent rulings; it’s about whose voices are being valued in Parliament. Te Pāti Māori’s haka was a response to a bill threatening the Treaty of Waitangi, a cornerstone of New Zealand’s constitutional framework. Van Velden’s C-word, however, was the government trying to blame Labour for an article written by a reporter...a personal jab, lacking any cultural or political weight whatsoever. Yet, the Māori MPs face prolonged suspensions at the exact time the government is announcing another austerity budget, a budget that is set to once again disproportionately and adversely impact Māori. The message is clear: colonial norms trump tikanga, and coalition MPs get a free pass while Brownlee stacks the decks against opposition MPs.

The Privileges Committee’s decision sets a dangerous precedent, signaling that Māori expressions of resistance in the house (which are now a part of New Zealand's everyday culture) will be met with maximum government force. Brownlee and Collins must answer: why is a haka deemed more “intimidatory” than a minister’s unwarranted and disrespectful profanities? Until Parliament reconciles its rules with tikanga Māori, such injustices will persist, eroding trust in our democratic institutions. And once that trust has gone, it's nearly impossible to get back.

Government Blames Labour For Andrea Vance’s Article

The National-led government, flailing like a fish out of water, is now pointing fingers at Labour for Andrea Vance’s critical column in The Post. Finance Minister Nicola Willis, in a display that can only be described as unhinged, has tried to pin the blame for Vance’s blistering critique on the opposition, as if Labour somehow coerced a veteran journalist into calling her Pay Equity debacle out.

Everybody knows that it’s not Labour’s job to police the mainstream media when, on the odd occasion, they dare to hold the government to account. Vance’s piece, which deployed the C-word to describe Willis and her coalition harpies, was a critique of a government that’s betrayed women with its pay equity changes.

Many New Zealanders would agree with Vance, although most probably wouldn’t have used her language. And National’s response? A pathetic attempt to dodge accountability by crying “it’s all Labours fault!”


On Saturday, The Post reported:

The girl-math budget that will cut deep, especially for women

Turns out you can have it all. So long as you’re prepared to be a c… to the women who birth your kids, school your offspring and wipe the arse of your elderly parents while you stand on their shoulders to earn your six-figure, taxpayer-funded pay packet.

Let’s talk about the real issue: National’s desperate spin to deflect from their unfair pay equity changes. Rushed through under urgency with no select committee scrutiny, the government gutted 33 active pay equity claims, making it harder for women to seek justice for systemic underpayment. Willis and her coalition cronies (ACT’s Brooke van Velden in particular) have the gall to claim this isn’t a pay cut, when it clearly is.

By raising the threshold for claims from 60% to 70% female-dominated sectors and narrowing comparator jobs, they’ve ensured fewer women will succeed in future claims, effectively pinching billions of dollars from their pockets. David Seymour himself admitted it’s about “saving billions,” yet Willis denies it’s about budget cuts. Who do they think they’re fooling?

Even after the Speaker of the House, Gerry Brownlee, had already warned Brook van Velden, she chose to continue raising the issue of Andrea Vance’s article. van Velden then use the C word in Parliament (without being thrown out), rounding her accusations of sexism onto former Labour Minister, Jan Tinetti, like it is her fault that Andrea Vance wrote the article. It's clearly not the oppositions fault that the government is copping flack from all corners for gutting the pay equity claims process.

Today, 1 News reported:

Minister drops C-bomb in Parliament while quoting controversial column

Workplace Relations Minister Brooke van Velden has become the first MP to use the word c*** in the House of Representatives when she repeated it after former minister for women Jan Tinetti asked about a controversial opinion column in relation to the Government's changes to the pay equity process.

You can understand why government Ministers are losing their cool at the moment. The backlash to their Equity Pay Amendment Bill has been brutal, and not just from the usual left wing commentators. National’s own right-wing allies are turning on them. From Shane Te Pou to Janet Wilson, many conservatives have felt compelled to comment, warning that National’s betrayal of women voters will haunt them, especially with women under 50 already abandoning the party in droves, per Roy Morgan polls. These aren’t lefty activists; they’re National’s own base, clearly stating that this policy should’ve gone to a select committee for proper scrutiny, not rammed through like a midnight mugging.

Brooke van Velden foaming at the mouth about Vances' article, and Nicola Willis whining about “sexist slurs” and Labour’s “weaponising” of the issue, shows that these ministers are out of her depth, clutching at straws to avoid responsibility. The truth is, National’s pay equity debacle is a self-inflicted wound, a cynical move to balance the books on the backs of underpaid women. No amount of calling Labour liars is going to change that fact.

Vance’s column didn’t need Labour’s prompting; it practically wrote itself by channeling the sentiment of a nation fed up with a government that prioritises tax cuts for the wealthy over fairness for workers. National’s attempt to spin the fallout as somehow Labour’s doing is as laughable as it is desperate. The real scandal? A government so arrogant it thinks it can lie its way out of betraying half the population.

National’s Law and Order Fiasco

The National-led coalition, which came to power in 2023 with grand promises of restoring law and order, has entirely failed to deliver. Along with help from the mainstream media, they painted a grim picture of a crime-ridden New Zealand, vowing to crack down on gangs, bolster police numbers, and make our streets safer.

However, as we hit mid-2025, the evidence of their law and order letdowns is mounting: this government has failed spectacularly on its core pledge, leaving New Zealanders feeling less safe and the police force stretched thinner than ever before.

The coalition of chaos’ pledge to recruit 500 additional front-line police officers by November 2025 is dead in the water. Police Commissioner Richard Chambers admitted on Q+A that the target is “ambitious,” with any increase in recruitment likely delayed until early 2026. This isn’t just a backtrack…it’s a broken promise. National and NZ First’s coalition agreement was crystal clear: 500 new officers in two years. Just over one year in, officer numbers have dropped by over 50. Attrition is bleeding the force dry, with around 540 officers leaving annually (based on a 5.4% attrition rate in 2025, up from 2.5% in 2021) for retirement or better opportunities abroad in places like Australia. The government’s response? A pathetic 180 recruits graduated in 2024, nowhere near enough to plug the gap.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:

 

Govt concedes it'll likely miss November target for 500 new police

Mitchell said: "We will deliver our 500 police officers this term, without a doubt ... what we've said is that we're not going to get hung up on a date."

…

Mitchell earlier rejected the characterisation that the promise to deliver on the 500 new officers had been a "failure" on Sunday, despite being previously committed to it.

"We set a date of November 25 for the police to do that. We remain committed to delivering our 500 police officers, however, obviously, there have been a few things happen since then," he said, in response to media questions.

 

No surprises there really.

The public perception of police is also getting worse. The New Zealand Crime and Victims Survey (NZCVS) shows trust in police plummeting, with only two-thirds of Kiwis expressing confidence in 2024, down from previous years. Violent crime, which Mark Mitchell claimed was dipping, is questioned for dodgy datasets. Does anybody actually believe that violent crime is declining while methamphetamine use has more than doubled since National gained power?

 

National claims that their tough-on-crime rhetoric is working, while using statistics for violent crime from when Labour was in government, which is a gross manipulation of official data that deserves much more media attention than it received. If left wing political parties did something like that, we’d never hear the end of it. Sexual assaults are also increasing, with reports showing that sexual violence in New Zealand against teenagers is amongst the worst in the developed world.

While Chris Luxon was bragging about crime coming down in Auckland CBD he was sitting on the latest data from the crime victimisation survey which showed a 30,000 increase in crime across the country.

National had set itself a 20,000 reduction target in this area. pic.twitter.com/lxsumUyyZc

— Nick (@StrayDogNZ) September 16, 2024

Gangs are flourishing, with the National Gang List growing exponentially in an environment of government austerity. Yet, Mitchell’s anti-gang laws, like the public patch ban, lack evidence of effectiveness and may even worsen the situation. The government’s youth boot camps, which were already a proven failure, will likely only worsen outcomes as well. According to New Zealand Defence Force documents, military-style training does not work for complex participants and has previously resulted in serious mental and physical harm of defence personnel. But has that given the government pause for thought? No! They have continued with their socially destructive law and order agenda that even includes cutting rehabilitation services that were proven to be effective.

Then there are the government's stupid changes to sentencing laws. The coalition’s tough-on-crime policies such as capping sentence discounts and re-initiating three-strikes, hasn’t translated to safer streets. Justice Ministry officials warned harsher penalties don’t boost public confidence, citing a 25% imprisonment rise from 2003–2016 that failed to increase public perceptions of crime or trust in police. Meanwhile, frontline officers are overburdened, redeployed to Auckland’s CBD to save the government face while other areas go without and grow ever more vulnerable.

The public’s perception is clear: polling shows New Zealanders don’t feel safer at all, which should result in Mark Mitchell's resignation.

This government’s law and order agenda is a house of cards. They’ve overpromised and underdelivered, leaving police understaffed and communities exposed. National’s flip-flopping (extending then retracting the recruitment timeline) shows a coalition in chaos, more focused on sound bites and penny pinching than saving lives through effective law and order policies. They are more concerned with massaging crime stats rather than increasing police numbers and providing proper rehabilitation services. None of this is forgivable, especially to all those victims of crime who are still being silenced and ignored by the system. Thankfully, they will have a chance to vote this utter failure of a National led government out next year.