National Has Increased The Child Suicide Rate

The latest UNICEF Innocenti Report Card 19, Fragile Gains - Child Wellbeing at Risk in an Unpredictable World, should be a wake up call for the New Zealand government. Ranking us 32nd out of 36 OECD and EU countries for child wellbeing, it lays bare a shameful truth: our kids are struggling, and the National-led government’s obsession with austerity is making their lives even harder. With the highest child suicide rate among wealthy nations, nearly three times the OECD average, Aotearoa is failing its youngest citizens. But instead of owning their role in this crisis, National is pointing fingers, dodging the real culprit: their own socially destructive policies.


On Thursday, RNZ reported:

 

New Zealand has highest child suicide rate, a survey of wealthy countries shows

Chief Children's Commissioner Dr Claire Achmad said the rankings showed that meaningful investment in children and young people was urgently needed to support child and youth mental health, including suicide prevention measures, and better support for the prevention of bullying in schools and communities.

"I've been clear that we need to see a central focus on children in Budget 2025," she said. "This is necessary to deliver on the government's own Child and Youth Strategy to 'make New Zealand the best place in the world to be a child'.

"It's devastating that among other high-income countries, we reported the highest youth suicide rate. We also know that attempted suicide rates for rangatahi Māori, Rainbow children and young people and disabled children are higher."

Dr Achmad said she wanted the government to collect and publish good-quality data on child mortality.

"Significantly reducing childhood poverty must be a core investment area for the government, given the ripple effects it has on children's lives. The data in the government's own recent Annual Report on Children and Young People's wellbeing shows that we are going backwards when it comes to providing enough safe housing, healthy food and primary health and dental care." she said.

"I want to see all children in our country flourish to their full potential. As this international comparison shows, we can and must do much, much better for children. These are their basic rights that we are talking about, and as a small, relatively rich country, it shouldn't be like this."

Let’s talk about the grinding poverty that’s effecting too many Kiwi kids. The report highlights how economic inequality, worsened by National’s cuts to social services, is driving child poverty rates in the wrong direction. Statistics NZ data shows no improvement in poverty metrics since 2022, with food insecurity and material hardship on the rise. Kids are going hungry in a country that prides itself on abundance.

National’s answer? Slash welfare support, remove emergency housing and prioritise tax cuts for the wealthy. The ripple effects are clear: poverty fuels mental health crises, and hungry kids can’t thrive. The government’s own Annual Report on Child and Youth Wellbeing confirms we’re failing on basics like safe housing and healthy food. Yet, National’s Budget ignores these cries for help, doubling down on austerity that strips away any hope for a brighter future.

Housing insecurity is another dagger in the heart of child wellbeing. The report underscores how unstable, overcrowded homes, exacerbated by a housing crisis National refuses to tackle, erode mental and physical health. Kids in transient, mouldy rentals or living on the streets aren’t just uncomfortable; they’re traumatised.

UNICEF Aotearoa’s CEO, Michelle Sharp, says the upcoming Budget is an opportunity for the government to create positive change, but National’s asleep at the wheel, ignoring recommendations from reports like Under One Umbrella that demand action on housing and poverty. Instead, they’ve dismantled initiatives like Te Aka Whai Ora, which could’ve addressed inequities for Māori and Pacific youth, who face disproportionate levels of youth suicide.

And then there’s the cost-of-living crisis, squeezing families until they break. With energy and food prices soaring, parents are forced to choose between rent and groceries. Kids bear the brunt, with 40% of Kiwi children overweight, a symptom of food insecurity driving reliance on cheap, unhealthy options. National’s response? Blame anybody but themselves.

But what else is new? Historical data shows youth suicide rates always climb under National’s watch. You only have to look at the 2010-2017 period, when rates hit 15.6 per 100,000, the worst in the OECD. Coincidence? Hardly. The right-wings’ austerity breeds hopelessness and increases suicides.

But all the Minister for Social Development and Employment, Luise Upston, can do is say there’s “more work to do”. Here’s a list of some of the “work” that the National coalition of chaos government has done to increase the child suicide rate.

• Lowered Ambition for Targets: In June 2024, the National-led government set new three-year targets for 2024/25–2026/27, which critics argue are less ambitious than those set by Labour. For instance, the material hardship target was adjusted to 10% by 2026/27, acknowledging economic challenges but aiming to merely maintain current rates rather than significantly reduce them. The persistent poverty target for 2028 was set at 10%, with a long-term goal of 8% by 2035, reflecting a cautious approach that anticipates short-term increases due to economic conditions.

• Missed Existing Targets: Statistics NZ data released in February 2025 showed the government missed all three primary child poverty targets for 2023/24. Material hardship rose to 13.4% (156,600 children) against a target of 9%, with no significant progress on low-income measures either. Māori and Pacific children faced even higher rates (23.9% and 28.7%, respectively), highlighting persistent inequities.

• Shift in Policy Focus: National’s Budget 2024 emphasized work incentives over direct poverty alleviation, tying child poverty reduction to reducing Jobseeker Support recipients by 50,000 over six years. Initiatives like FamilyBoost and increased In-Work Tax Credits aim to support working families, but critics, including UNICEF NZ, argue these measures fail to address immediate needs like housing affordability and food insecurity. Policies such as extending Best Start payments or introducing universal child payments were suggested but not adopted.

• Changing Funding Allocation and Blame-Shifting: National has prioritised tax breaks for landlords and other fiscal measures over child poverty reduction, effectively reducing targets instead of poverty. The government is also deflecting blame to social media and bullying rather than addressing systemic issues like poverty and housing insecurity, which exacerbate child wellbeing challenges.

• Changes to the school lunches programme: Reduced funding and a shift to less nutritious, inedible, cost-saving options, have worsened food insecurity for Kiwi kids. Disadvantaged children, particularly Māori and Pacific youth, suffer most, with 13.4% facing material hardship. The UNICEF’s Innocenti Report Card 19 highlights how these cuts strip away a vital lifeline, deepening poverty and undermining wellbeing for the most vulnerable.

• Legislating limits on gender rights: The Human Rights Commissioner warned that by restricting gender recognition and support, the government's policies alienate transgender youth, which will exacerbate mental health struggles for an already marginalised group. With New Zealand’s youth suicide rate already the highest in the OECD, this rollback threatens even more lives.

The government has also tried to limit reporting on child well-being, with the Office of the Auditor-General noting in April 2025 that governance and reporting arrangements for suicide remain complex, limiting public understanding and accountability. Clearly the government, knowing their policies are worsening the situation, have attempted to restrict the public from learning of their numerous social policy failures. In effect they have breached the social contract.

 

It's still patently obvious however that National’s policies are a wrecking ball for child wellbeing. Yet they’re scapegoating kids’ phones and playground spats. What we don’t need is a government who points the finger while ignoring their own role in causing these shameful and preventable results. Instead. we need investment in housing, poverty reduction, and mental health support without any further delay. Our kids deserve better than a government that sacrifices their future just to make some landlords and themselves wealthier.

Why Hasn’t Nicole McKee Registered Her Firearms?

In a stunning display of hypocrisy, Associate Justice Minister Nicole McKee, who also oversees firearms policy, has admitted she hasn’t registered her own firearms on New Zealand’s Firearms Registry, despite the legal requirement for all licensed firearms owners to do so.

This isn’t just a minor oversight; it’s a slap in the face to the rule of law and public safety. As someone tasked with upholding justice and shaping firearms policy, McKee’s failure to comply with the Arms Act 1983, as amended in 2020, raises serious questions about her suitability for her role and the government’s commitment to accountability.

The Arms Act mandates that all firearms owned by licensed holders must be registered with the Firearms Registry by 2028, with the process already underway since June 2023. Section 94 of the Act clearly requires licence holders to provide details of their firearms to ensure traceability and prevent illegal use. However, McKee, a gun lobbyist with deep ties to the Council of Licensed Firearms Owners (Colfo), has placed herself above the law she’s meant to enforce. Her excuse that she has until 2028 reeks of privilege and undermines the leadership expected of a minister.

In September, RNZ reported:

Firearms Minister Nicole McKee won't rule out trying to bring back banned guns

Cabinet has agreed - but not yet finalised - a law change that would give Nicole McKee the power to propose what guns should or should not be prohibited.

McKee, a former gun lobbyist, said the change was administrative, though she would not rule out trying to liberalise access to high-powered semi-automatics.

The Firearms Registry was introduced after the Christchurch mosque killings to enhance public safety by tracking firearms and ensuring accountability. If McKee can flout this requirement while bringing back the very same semi-automatics that inflicted so much carnage, without consequence, what message does that send to ordinary New Zealanders?

The Police Association has already raised concerns about McKee’s exclusion of police from firearms reform consultations, which along with her rushed review process, suggests a troubling pattern of prioritizing pro-gun interests over public safety. Police Minister Mark Mitchell’s unwavering support for police oversight contrasts sharply with McKee’s apparent disdain for it, creating a dangerous rift in the coalition government’s approach.

#BHN Nicole McKee is adorable that she is so grumpy about the gun registry review not going the way she wanted it to...it's almost like she set it up to give her a response she wanted...rather than the actual findings #nzpol pic.twitter.com/IMYPPDpHC9

— Pat Brittenden (@patbrittenden) May 13, 2025

McKee’s background as a pro-gun lobbyist is the crux of the issue. Her appointment as Associate Justice Minister and Minister for Courts is a clear conflict of interest. Her history with Colfo and her firearms safety business raises doubts about her impartiality, as evidenced by her push to ease regulations for gun clubs and ranges, often at the expense of police oversight.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s insistence that McKee hasn’t breached Cabinet rules does little to quell public distrust when her actions, like comparing gun registries to toaster registries, trivialise serious safety measures. This isn’t just about one minister’s negligence; it’s about a government allowing a pro-gun advocate to steer justice policy while ignoring legal and social obligations.

McKee’s refusal to register her firearms isn’t just a personal failing...it’s a betrayal of public trust and a mockery of the laws designed to keep us safe. Luxon must reconsider whether a minister so entangled with gun lobby interests, who has ignored due process, can credibly serve the interests of the public. If he had a backbone or any common sense, Nicole McKee would be stood down. Anything less will mean a government minister continues to erode the integrity of our justice system.

Brownlee’s Bias: Māori MPs Punished, van Velden Spared

In a Parliament that’s supposed to uphold fairness, the recent punishments meted out to Te Pāti Māori MPs for their haka protest compared to Workplace Relations Minister Brooke van Velden for her use of the C-word expose a glaring double standard. Speaker Gerry Brownlee and the Privileges Committee have once again shown that when it comes to enforcing parliamentary decorum, the rules bend depending on who’s in the dock.

Let’s start with Te Pāti Māori. On November 14, 2024, MPs Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, Rawiri Waititi, and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer performed a haka during the first reading of the divisive Treaty Principles Bill, a protest against legislation that erodes Māori rights. The haka, a profound expression of cultural identity and resistance, often used by the New Zealand All Blacks, disrupted the vote, prompting Brownlee to suspend the House and dock Maipi-Clarke’s pay for 24 hours.

The Privileges Committee, chaired by National’s Judith Collins, went even further, recommending unprecedented suspensions: 21 days for Waititi and Ngarewa-Packer, and seven days for Maipi-Clarke, the harshest penalties in New Zealand’s parliamentary history. The committee claimed the issue wasn’t the haka itself but its “intimidatory” nature. Te Pāti Māori called the process “grossly unjust,” arguing it dismissed tikanga Māori and silenced their voices.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:
 

Te Pāti Māori MPs to be temporarily suspended from Parliament over haka

Te Pāti Māori MPs will be temporarily suspended from Parliament for "acting in a manner that could have the effect of intimidating a member of the House" after performing a haka during the first reading of the Treaty Principles Bill.

Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke will be suspended for seven days, while co-leaders Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi will be "severely censured" and suspended for 21 days.

The three MPs - along with Labour's Peeni Henare - were referred to the Privileges Committee for their involvement in a haka and protests in the House in November, at the first reading of the contentious Treaty Principles Bill.

The suspension means the three Te Pāti Māori MPs will not be present at next week's Budget debate.

Contrast this extreme punishment with Brooke van Velden’s slap on the wrist for her recent disruptive profanity. In a heated debate, van Velden repeatedly used the C-word to criticize Labour’s Jan Tinetti, who had simply asked what the government thought about an opinion piece written by Andrea Vance, who had used the C-word to describe government Ministers. Brownlee’s response? A mild reprimand, requiring van Velden to withdraw and apologise, with no further action. No suspension, no pay docking, no Privileges Committee referral. This leniency for a coalition MP, whose deliberate use of a vulgar slur was undeniably disruptive, stands in stark contrast to the draconian measures employed against Te Pāti Māori to try and silence their concerns about the government's anti-Māori agenda.

Brownlee’s track record as Speaker raises questions about his impartiality. His rulings often favour the coalition of chaos government, as seen when he overruled the Clerk of the House and his assistant speaker on a fast-track bill amendment, prioritising coalition interests, which caused the Labour party to lose confidence in him as speaker. The haka incident further exposes this bias. While Brownlee claimed the haka’s disruption of a vote was a “cardinal sin,” he downplayed van Velden’s vulgar outburst as a mere breach of decorum. The Privileges Committee’s recommendation amplifies this disparity, punishing a culturally significant act of protest far more harshly than a crude verbal attack.

My overseas friends keep telling me the scenes they saw in parliament yesterday were sickening & I've had to explain to them his name is Gerry Brownlee & he has always looked like this pic.twitter.com/9g7pxQG73c

— Liquid Times (@Liquid_Times) November 15, 2024

This isn’t just about inconsistent rulings; it’s about whose voices are being valued in Parliament. Te Pāti Māori’s haka was a response to a bill threatening the Treaty of Waitangi, a cornerstone of New Zealand’s constitutional framework. Van Velden’s C-word, however, was the government trying to blame Labour for an article written by a reporter...a personal jab, lacking any cultural or political weight whatsoever. Yet, the Māori MPs face prolonged suspensions at the exact time the government is announcing another austerity budget, a budget that is set to once again disproportionately and adversely impact Māori. The message is clear: colonial norms trump tikanga, and coalition MPs get a free pass while Brownlee stacks the decks against opposition MPs.

The Privileges Committee’s decision sets a dangerous precedent, signaling that Māori expressions of resistance in the house (which are now a part of New Zealand's everyday culture) will be met with maximum government force. Brownlee and Collins must answer: why is a haka deemed more “intimidatory” than a minister’s unwarranted and disrespectful profanities? Until Parliament reconciles its rules with tikanga Māori, such injustices will persist, eroding trust in our democratic institutions. And once that trust has gone, it's nearly impossible to get back.

Government Blames Labour For Andrea Vance’s Article

The National-led government, flailing like a fish out of water, is now pointing fingers at Labour for Andrea Vance’s critical column in The Post. Finance Minister Nicola Willis, in a display that can only be described as unhinged, has tried to pin the blame for Vance’s blistering critique on the opposition, as if Labour somehow coerced a veteran journalist into calling her Pay Equity debacle out.

Everybody knows that it’s not Labour’s job to police the mainstream media when, on the odd occasion, they dare to hold the government to account. Vance’s piece, which deployed the C-word to describe Willis and her coalition harpies, was a critique of a government that’s betrayed women with its pay equity changes.

Many New Zealanders would agree with Vance, although most probably wouldn’t have used her language. And National’s response? A pathetic attempt to dodge accountability by crying “it’s all Labours fault!”


On Saturday, The Post reported:

The girl-math budget that will cut deep, especially for women

Turns out you can have it all. So long as you’re prepared to be a c… to the women who birth your kids, school your offspring and wipe the arse of your elderly parents while you stand on their shoulders to earn your six-figure, taxpayer-funded pay packet.

Let’s talk about the real issue: National’s desperate spin to deflect from their unfair pay equity changes. Rushed through under urgency with no select committee scrutiny, the government gutted 33 active pay equity claims, making it harder for women to seek justice for systemic underpayment. Willis and her coalition cronies (ACT’s Brooke van Velden in particular) have the gall to claim this isn’t a pay cut, when it clearly is.

By raising the threshold for claims from 60% to 70% female-dominated sectors and narrowing comparator jobs, they’ve ensured fewer women will succeed in future claims, effectively pinching billions of dollars from their pockets. David Seymour himself admitted it’s about “saving billions,” yet Willis denies it’s about budget cuts. Who do they think they’re fooling?

Even after the Speaker of the House, Gerry Brownlee, had already warned Brook van Velden, she chose to continue raising the issue of Andrea Vance’s article. van Velden then use the C word in Parliament (without being thrown out), rounding her accusations of sexism onto former Labour Minister, Jan Tinetti, like it is her fault that Andrea Vance wrote the article. It's clearly not the oppositions fault that the government is copping flack from all corners for gutting the pay equity claims process.

Today, 1 News reported:

Minister drops C-bomb in Parliament while quoting controversial column

Workplace Relations Minister Brooke van Velden has become the first MP to use the word c*** in the House of Representatives when she repeated it after former minister for women Jan Tinetti asked about a controversial opinion column in relation to the Government's changes to the pay equity process.

You can understand why government Ministers are losing their cool at the moment. The backlash to their Equity Pay Amendment Bill has been brutal, and not just from the usual left wing commentators. National’s own right-wing allies are turning on them. From Shane Te Pou to Janet Wilson, many conservatives have felt compelled to comment, warning that National’s betrayal of women voters will haunt them, especially with women under 50 already abandoning the party in droves, per Roy Morgan polls. These aren’t lefty activists; they’re National’s own base, clearly stating that this policy should’ve gone to a select committee for proper scrutiny, not rammed through like a midnight mugging.

Brooke van Velden foaming at the mouth about Vances' article, and Nicola Willis whining about “sexist slurs” and Labour’s “weaponising” of the issue, shows that these ministers are out of her depth, clutching at straws to avoid responsibility. The truth is, National’s pay equity debacle is a self-inflicted wound, a cynical move to balance the books on the backs of underpaid women. No amount of calling Labour liars is going to change that fact.

Vance’s column didn’t need Labour’s prompting; it practically wrote itself by channeling the sentiment of a nation fed up with a government that prioritises tax cuts for the wealthy over fairness for workers. National’s attempt to spin the fallout as somehow Labour’s doing is as laughable as it is desperate. The real scandal? A government so arrogant it thinks it can lie its way out of betraying half the population.

National’s Law and Order Fiasco

The National-led coalition, which came to power in 2023 with grand promises of restoring law and order, has entirely failed to deliver. Along with help from the mainstream media, they painted a grim picture of a crime-ridden New Zealand, vowing to crack down on gangs, bolster police numbers, and make our streets safer.

However, as we hit mid-2025, the evidence of their law and order letdowns is mounting: this government has failed spectacularly on its core pledge, leaving New Zealanders feeling less safe and the police force stretched thinner than ever before.

The coalition of chaos’ pledge to recruit 500 additional front-line police officers by November 2025 is dead in the water. Police Commissioner Richard Chambers admitted on Q+A that the target is “ambitious,” with any increase in recruitment likely delayed until early 2026. This isn’t just a backtrack…it’s a broken promise. National and NZ First’s coalition agreement was crystal clear: 500 new officers in two years. Just over one year in, officer numbers have dropped by over 50. Attrition is bleeding the force dry, with around 540 officers leaving annually (based on a 5.4% attrition rate in 2025, up from 2.5% in 2021) for retirement or better opportunities abroad in places like Australia. The government’s response? A pathetic 180 recruits graduated in 2024, nowhere near enough to plug the gap.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:

 

Govt concedes it'll likely miss November target for 500 new police

Mitchell said: "We will deliver our 500 police officers this term, without a doubt ... what we've said is that we're not going to get hung up on a date."

…

Mitchell earlier rejected the characterisation that the promise to deliver on the 500 new officers had been a "failure" on Sunday, despite being previously committed to it.

"We set a date of November 25 for the police to do that. We remain committed to delivering our 500 police officers, however, obviously, there have been a few things happen since then," he said, in response to media questions.

 

No surprises there really.

The public perception of police is also getting worse. The New Zealand Crime and Victims Survey (NZCVS) shows trust in police plummeting, with only two-thirds of Kiwis expressing confidence in 2024, down from previous years. Violent crime, which Mark Mitchell claimed was dipping, is questioned for dodgy datasets. Does anybody actually believe that violent crime is declining while methamphetamine use has more than doubled since National gained power?

 

National claims that their tough-on-crime rhetoric is working, while using statistics for violent crime from when Labour was in government, which is a gross manipulation of official data that deserves much more media attention than it received. If left wing political parties did something like that, we’d never hear the end of it. Sexual assaults are also increasing, with reports showing that sexual violence in New Zealand against teenagers is amongst the worst in the developed world.

While Chris Luxon was bragging about crime coming down in Auckland CBD he was sitting on the latest data from the crime victimisation survey which showed a 30,000 increase in crime across the country.

National had set itself a 20,000 reduction target in this area. pic.twitter.com/lxsumUyyZc

— Nick (@StrayDogNZ) September 16, 2024

Gangs are flourishing, with the National Gang List growing exponentially in an environment of government austerity. Yet, Mitchell’s anti-gang laws, like the public patch ban, lack evidence of effectiveness and may even worsen the situation. The government’s youth boot camps, which were already a proven failure, will likely only worsen outcomes as well. According to New Zealand Defence Force documents, military-style training does not work for complex participants and has previously resulted in serious mental and physical harm of defence personnel. But has that given the government pause for thought? No! They have continued with their socially destructive law and order agenda that even includes cutting rehabilitation services that were proven to be effective.

Then there are the government's stupid changes to sentencing laws. The coalition’s tough-on-crime policies such as capping sentence discounts and re-initiating three-strikes, hasn’t translated to safer streets. Justice Ministry officials warned harsher penalties don’t boost public confidence, citing a 25% imprisonment rise from 2003–2016 that failed to increase public perceptions of crime or trust in police. Meanwhile, frontline officers are overburdened, redeployed to Auckland’s CBD to save the government face while other areas go without and grow ever more vulnerable.

The public’s perception is clear: polling shows New Zealanders don’t feel safer at all, which should result in Mark Mitchell's resignation.

This government’s law and order agenda is a house of cards. They’ve overpromised and underdelivered, leaving police understaffed and communities exposed. National’s flip-flopping (extending then retracting the recruitment timeline) shows a coalition in chaos, more focused on sound bites and penny pinching than saving lives through effective law and order policies. They are more concerned with massaging crime stats rather than increasing police numbers and providing proper rehabilitation services. None of this is forgivable, especially to all those victims of crime who are still being silenced and ignored by the system. Thankfully, they will have a chance to vote this utter failure of a National led government out next year.

Government Shouldn't Ignore Courts Over Voting Rights

Under Chris Luxon’s "leadership", the coalition of chaos government is doubling down on policies that undermine democratic principles, particularly on prisoner voting rights and the voting age. The kicker here is that these issues should have already been settled.

Two landmark cases that have already gone through the courts expose the governments hypocrisy, yet Luxon’s dubious crew seems content to shrug off judicial rulings like they’re mere suggestions. This isn’t just disingenuous; it’s a deliberate erosion of the people's rights that should worry every Kiwi who values democracy.


Yesterday, RNZ reported:

A prisoner voting ban shows again how few checks there are on Parliamentary power

…

When Parliament considers a bill that is potentially inconsistent with "the human rights and fundamental freedoms" set out in the Bill of Rights, the Attorney-General delivers a report explaining the inconsistencies.

This is supposed to be a deterrent, and one might think it would be the end of the matter. Unfortunately, that is not the case. Adverse attorney-general reports have appeared regularly (there have been 15 since 2021) without blocking legislation.

Let’s start with Attorney-General v Taylor. In 2015, the High Court, upheld by the Supreme Court in 2018, declared the Electoral (Disqualification of Sentenced Prisoners) Amendment Act 2010 inconsistent with the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990. The blanket ban on prisoner voting was ruled an unjustified limit on the fundamental right to vote, with Justice Heath slamming its arbitrary nature. It meant petty offenders lost their vote if jailed during an election, while serious criminals free between elections didn’t. The Attorney-General at the time, Christopher Finlayson, admitted the law’s flaws before it even passed, yet it went ahead. 

Fast forward to 2025, and Justice Minister Paul Goldsmith is pushing to reinstate this ban, defying the courts and expert advice. This isn’t about principle; it’s about pandering to a rabid “tough on crime” base, consequences be damned. Then there’s Make It 16 Incorporated v Attorney-General. In 2022, the Supreme Court ruled that setting the voting age at 18 unjustifiably discriminates against 16- and 17-year-olds, breaching their Bill of Rights protections against age discrimination. The court’s message was clear: young people deserve a say in their future.

Yet Luxon, then Opposition Leader, dismissed the ruling with a flippant “18’s just fine,” and his government has since killed a bill that would’ve lowered the voting age for local elections. Then there's the government's argument about prisoner voting rights. Luxon simply doesn't care what the courts ruled. This isn’t reasoned policy-making; it’s a refusal to engage with a constitutional dialogue the courts have demanded. Parliament is legally obligated to respond to such declarations, but Luxon’s crew acts like the law doesn’t apply to them.

Watch on TikTok

The government’s dismissal of these rulings reeks of bad faith. On one hand, they claim to champion democracy, yet they’re happy to strip voting rights from prisoners and deny young people a voice, ignoring judicial checks designed to protect our rights. Luxon’s rhetoric about “drawing a line” is hollow when it’s drawn to exclude the vulnerable and the young. The courts have spoken: these laws are inconsistent with our democratic values.

By ignoring Taylor and Make It 16, the government isn’t just inconsistent…it’s actively undermining the rule of law. Kiwis deserve a government that respects court rulings, not one that picks and chooses when to care about people’s rights. New Zealand therefore deserves a change in government.

Pay Equity Changes Bad For The Economy

The Coalition of Chaos has done it again, proving their knack for prioritising the wealthy over the workers. The Pay Equity Amendment Bill, rammed through Parliament under urgency, is a kick in the guts for low-waged women, obliterating decades of progress on pay equity reform in New Zealand.

Workplace Relations Minister Brooke van Velden has dressed this up as “streamlining” the system. But let’s call it what it is: a cynical move to claw back billions from women’s pockets to patch up a budget bleeding from the government’s economic mismanagement.

Key Points of the Pay Equity Amendment Bill (2025):

Threshold Increase: The bill raises the threshold for raising a pay equity claim, requiring that an occupation be at least 70% female-dominated for the past decade to qualify. It also emphasizes proving "genuine" sex-based undervaluation, making it harder to initiate claims.

Impact on Claims: The legislation discontinues all 33 existing unresolved pay equity claims, affecting thousands of workers (e.g., in health, education, and local government). These claims must be restarted under the new, stricter criteria.

Time Restrictions: The bill prevents re-raising a pay equity claim for 10 years after a settlement, compared to the previous shorter review cycles, which critics argue limits opportunities for addressing ongoing inequities.

Comparator Restrictions: Employers now have more control over choosing comparators (roles to compare wages against), and comparisons are limited to male employees at the same or similar employers, reducing flexibility in proving undervaluation.

Retrospective Application: The changes apply retroactively, wiping out existing claims and altering conditions for prior settlements (e.g., making review clauses unenforceable).

Cost Savings: The government, including Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Workplace Relations Minister Brooke van Velden, has acknowledged that the changes will save "billions" by reducing payouts for public sector claims.

 

This bill torches existing pay equity claims, forcing thousands of workers in sectors like nursing, caregiving, and education, to restart under a new, impossibly high threshold. Claims now need to prove “merit” upfront, with jobs being at least 70% (up from 60%) female-dominated for an entire decade, and employers get to cherry-pick comparators. It’s a rigged game, designed to block legitimate claims before they even start.

David Seymour himself let the cat out of the bag, crowing that van Velden “saved the taxpayer billions” and rescued the Budget. Translation? The government’s desperate to balance the books after funneling billions in tax breaks to wealthy landlords, leaving women workers to foot the bill.

Seems that BvV worked out that most of the 33 current claims were between 63-68% female dominated. So she raised the requirement of domination to 70%, & made it retrospective, to permanently destroy all existing & future claims.
And then lied that it's not removing pay equity. https://t.co/a34kpGDg12

— Craig (@KiwiCraig74) May 12, 2025

The economic fallout of this betrayal is dire. The Public Service Association (PSA) slams the changes as a “dark day for New Zealand women,” warning that stifling wage growth for female-dominated sectors will further increase poverty and inequality. Their national secretary, Fleur Fitzsimons, argues that fair pay for women isn’t just a moral issue, it’s an economic lifeline.

When low-waged workers, who spend nearly every dollar they earn, are denied pay increases, local economies suffer. Less money in their pockets means less spending in shops, cafes, and services, dragging down growth in communities already reeling from the coalition of chaos’ cuts. The PSA estimates the scrapped claims could have injected tens of billions into the economy over time, boosting demand and creating jobs.

Today, RNZ reported:

'Nothing further from the truth' - pay equity shake-up not cutting pay for women, says PM

The prime minister has accused critics of the government's pay equity shake-up of "scaremongering" and levelling "gendered abuse".
...

Luxon told reporters he could not release the amount that was being saved because the information was "budget sensitive".

When it was pointed out to him the government was able to choose what information was budget sensitive, Luxon reiterated the "impact impact of these costs are budget sensitive".

Labour leader Chris Hipkins nails the hypocrisy: “This is about robbing Paula to pay Paul, stripping Kiwi women of fair pay to clean up Nicola Willis’ economic mess.” The Greens echo this, calling the bill a “disgrace” that entrenches gender pay gaps. By choking off pay equity, the coalition is stifling a proven economic driver. Instead, they’re betting on trickle-down nonsense that has proven itself a complete failure over many decades. Gifting landlords billions while low-waged women face poverty and hardship isn’t good economic management. It’s a sure way to increase disparities and lower New Zealanders living standards.

This isn’t reform; it’s regression. The coalition’s obsession with austerity for the many and windfalls for the few is tanking our economy and betraying half the workforce. Women deserve better than being sacrificial lambs for a budget bloated by landlord greed. It’s time to fight back. Unions are mobilising, and the 2026 election looms. Let’s make this one-term government a distant memory and vote the coalition of chaos out next year.

Rhys Williams - Arsehole of the Week

It’s time to shine the spotlight on a particularly vile specimen slithering through New Zealand’s political underbelly: Rhys Williams, this week’s Arsehole Award winner. Williams is a NZ First party activist (who didn’t renew his membership), and has carved out a niche as a homophobic, defamatory troll, hiding behind the X handle @2ESTEKA to spew venom at anyone who dares challenge his political party or narrow worldview.

His targets? Basically anybody who speaks out against NZ First, but mainly Green MP Benjamin Doyle, Green co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick, and even a 25-year-old student, who had the temerity to criticise NZ First, in his blinkered line of sight. His brand of bigotry is unfortunately a recurring theme among right wing attack dogs. It’s a major problem for them, being that most people in New Zealand aren’t homophobic. In fact Williams’ online campaigns against LGBTQ+ people are a compendium in hypocrisy, cowardice, and malice…qualities that make him a standout for all the wrong reasons and therefore highly deserving of this week’s ignominious Arsehole award.

Let’s start with the homophobia. Williams’ campaign, along with other right-wing propagandists such as Ani O’Brien and Cameron Slater, against Benjamin Doyle, a Green MP who uses they/them pronouns, was a vicious smear fest, falsely alleging misconduct based on Doyle’s private Instagram posts. Williams' anonymous account became a cesspool of slurs and calls for attacks, not just on Doyle, but also on the broader rainbow community. And just like Brian Tamaki instructing his Destiny Church followers to undertake attacks on the LGBTQ+ community, there is no doubt that Tamaki’s associate Rhys Williams has incited further discrimination and crimes of hatred against an already marginalized group of people.



Chlöe Swarbrick, a staunch defender of Doyle, also received Williams’ trade-mark defamatory spite, with Williams’ posts dripping with bigotry and derision. However, his attacks weren’t limited to MPs; he also targeted a student, which included him personally calling a reporter to drum up support for his political vendetta. This is the kind of gutless, personalised nastiness Williams thrives on, while, hilariously, whining about the need to stay anonymous because “attacks can become nasty.” Pot, meet kettle. The hypocrisy is so thick with Rhys Williams that you couldn’t cut it with a chainsaw.

The similarity with another online troll, Cameron Slater, who was also outed after making defamatory posts, is worth noting. Like Slater, Williams wanted to hide behind pseudonyms and anonymity while conducting his rancid online political campaigns, because they need the freedom to defame, degrade, and incite hatred without consequence, which isn’t really a valid reason for keeping their names secret.

Like most narcissists, Williams is happy to dish out the hatred, but cries foul and tries to minimise his behaviour when the spotlight turns on him. Stuff NZ unmasked him as the puppet master behind @2ESTEKA, revealing a man who not only targeted Doyle and Swarbrick but also slung defamatory insults towards anybody questioning or reporting on his despicable behaviour. If they happened to be female, they’d also receive Williams’ trademark misogynistic bile. This is a insecure man who dishes out abuse but can’t handle the heat when his own name is attached to his actions.

In effect, Rhys Williams is a classic coward, undertaking vile campaigns that typify the right wings’ modus operandi of dishonest underhanded campaigning. When caught out, they act like the victim while using any attention to try and gain support for their political campaigns. Unfortunately for them, attaining the narrative in this way also comes at the cost of their credibility.

Legal experts Steven Price and Graeme Edgeler have weighed in, and their verdict is damning. They’ve flagged Williams’ content as likely to cross into defamation, with false allegations that could cause real harm. Williams’ posts aren’t just offensive…they’re legally actionable, because they potentially endanger the personal safety of Williams’ targets. This isn’t just a case of “free speech”; it’s a calculated political campaign and attempt to ruin people’s lives while hiding behind anonymity.

And what of NZ First, Rhys Williams’ natural home? Initially, they were happy to let his bile flow, following along and amplifying his attacks on Doyle. Winston Peters even echoed some of Williams’ defamatory posts in his media stand-ups. But now, with Williams’ ugliness exposed in the cold hard light of public attention and his campaign against Doyle a complete failure, they’re scrambling to distance themselves. This disassociation is entirely unbelievable as NZ First associates even paid for the Inflection Point meeting that Williams organised, a meeting that was openly hostile, like the Nazis, to trans people. It’s a pathetic backpedal from a party that’s shown time and time and again it’s happy to flirt with divisive rhetoric until it becomes inconvenient.

Rhys Williams is the epitome of everything wrong with the right wings’ anonymous online campaigns of hate. He’s a homophobic, hypocritical bully who targets political opponents with lies, then plays the victim when called out. His defamatory campaigns, as Price and Edgeler note, aren’t just cruel, they’re dangerous! NZ First’s attempt to wash their hands of him is understandable, but only underscores their own complicity in such dirty campaigning.

He’s not going to like what it means, but Rhys Williams’ defamatory posts and mainstream media exposure have won him an Arsehole of the Week award, and no secret accounts can hide that fact. Now, it’s time Williams slunk back into the sewer and a life of mediocrity where he belongs.

NZ First Resorts To Dirty Politics 2.0

It’s a grim day for New Zealand when the stench of dirty politics once again wafts back into the public domain, and NZ First, under Winston Peters’ befuddled leadership, appears to be at the heart of it. An exposé by The Post today lays bare a coordinated campaign of online vitriol and personal attacks, with right-wing disinformation bloggers seemingly enlisted to smear anyone daring to criticise the coalition of chaos and their socially destructive policies.

Clearly, this isn’t the politics Kiwis voted for. No one ticked the box for underhanded digital attacks or the resurrection of Cameron Slater’s infamous “Dirty Politics” playbook to once again infect our political discourse. Yet here we are, watching a desperate right-wing stoop to new lows, targeting critics with vicious online vitriol designed to defame and discredit, including an extended attack on a 25-year-old student who was driven to suicidal despair. It’s another shameful chapter about the right-wing's disinformation tactics, and NZ First’s fingerprints are all over it.
 

Today, The Post reported:

Inside the murky evolution of Dirty Politics 2.0

A Sunday Star-Times investigation reveals how keyboard warriors have found a home in NZ First’s orbit, reviving attack-style politics, report National Affairs Editor Andrea Vance and investigative reporter Charlie Mitchell.

 

...

 

The journalist hung up, unsettled by the conversation. He chose not to follow up. But in the days afterwards, it became clear the tip was linked to a loosely coordinated, fiercely partisan network of online accounts that had formed in the orbit of NZ First.

…

The caller was Rhys Williams, a Taranaki businessman behind an influential X (formerly Twitter) account. The account had previously targeted Green MP Benjamin Doyle, sparking a wave of backlash that at times veered into personal abuse.

…

Others joined in. Sean Plunket, founder of The Platform media outlet, who has tangled with the student online, taunted him with a cryptic jab on X. Political operative Glenn Inwood and property developer Vlad Barbalich — both known associates of Williams —shared similarly veiled references. There appeared to be foreknowledge.

That evening, Williams named the student publicly.

…

The online reaction was swift and vicious. Commenters called the student “sick” and “deranged”. One post, shared by Williams, likened him to serial killer Ted Bundy.

Inwood and Barbalich shared the post, as did Cameron Slater, the former Whale Oil blogger once synonymous with such attacks.

So much for freedom of speech.

The extended Post article pulls no punches, detailing how NZ First appears to have tapped into a network of online operatives to silence online dissent. This isn’t speculation, it’s a pattern echoing the dark days of 2014, when Nicky Hager’s Dirty Politics exposed Cameron Slater’s Whale Oil blog as a weapon for National Party insiders. Slater, a self-styled attack dog, was paid to churn out defamatory hit pieces, often with direct input from National Party MPs including the likes of Judith Collins, who had to resign her portfolios as a result.

Fast forward to 2025, and the tactics haven’t changed, just some of the players. NZ First seems to have adopted this same cynical strategy, weaponising social media to crush critics and protect the current government’s fragile grip on power.

At the centre of this latest storm is Rhys Williams, a figure now scrambling to distance himself from NZ First after The Post blew the lid off his campaign against a young student. This 25-year-old, whose only crime was voicing criticism of NZ First, became the target of a relentless online onslaught, orchestrated through shadowy right-wing channels and employing the services of experienced propaganda operatives. Although he broke the first rule of combating the political fascists in New Zealand, to not have anything they can use against you, the 25-year-old student really shouldn’t feel bad about how effective their strategy of hatred towards opponents is. New Zealand would be astounded to learn about the number of people who have been destroyed by the right-wing in their attempt to hold onto power.

The result of their latest campaign of hatred? A young Kiwi pushed to the brink of suicide, their mental health collateral damage in the right-wings' quest for total control. Williams’ attempt to backpedal, claiming no formal ties to the NZ First party, reeks of disingenuousness. The Post reveals his deep connections to NZ First’s inner circle, and his sudden plea of independence feels like a panicked attempt to dodge accountability and retain whatever semblance of credibility he has remaining, which is very little after the Benjamin Doyle scandal he created fizzled into nothingness.

🚨 Rhys Williams last week revealed as the individual behind the @2ETEKA account that led the failed takedown attempt of Green MP Benjamin Doyle is as we now also know the one and the same person behind last year’s controversial Inflection Point conference which featured a who’s… pic.twitter.com/FBxaWkvBlm

— Kelvin Morgan 🇳🇿 (@kelvin_morganNZ) April 16, 2025

Winston Peters should know better than to associate with such discredited muckrakers. For decades, he’s positioned himself as the maverick outsider, the voice of “the people” against elite machinations. Yet here he is, seemingly endorsing the same underhanded tactics he once decried. Kiwis didn’t vote for this. They didn’t sign up for a government that bullies its citizens into silence or outsources its dirty work to online attack squads. Peters’ legacy, already a patchwork of populism and pragmatism, risks being further tarnished by this descent into the gutter. If NZ First is so confident in its mandate, why resort to such desperate measures? The answer is clear: they’re rattled, and they’re willing to sacrifice decency to cling to power at any cost.

The right-wing’s reliance on coordinated online attacks is a sign of weakness, not strength. As The Post notes, these tactics are a “murky evolution” of the Dirty Politics era, leveraging platforms like X to amplify smears and drown out dissent. It’s a coward’s game to do the dirty work while politicians like Peters maintain plausible deniability. But the public isn’t stupid. The backlash against this campaign, especially after its devastating impact on a young student, will show that most right-minded Kiwis reject this brand of sewer politics. The right-wing’s desperation to control the narrative only exposes their fear of accountability.

This isn’t just about NZ First or Rhys Williams’ convenient amnesia. It’s about a broader rot in our political discourse, where critics are fair game for destruction, and mental health is just collateral damage. Cameron Slater’s shadow looms large, a reminder of what happens when attack politics and online defamation festers unchecked...even by our courts.

Some may have thought we’d moved past these types of tactics after 2014, but NZ First’s apparent embrace of Dirty Politics 2.0 proves otherwise. If Winston Peters had any morals left he would come clean, disavow these underhanded tactics, and face the public he claims to serve. Anything less is a betrayal of the trust some voters placed in him and NZ First. He won't of course. Because he's essentially a coward! But in the long run that won't matter. The right-wing’s digital hit squads might be loud, but the voice of the voting public will always be louder.

Dunedin Mayor Calls On Government To Help Homeless

Last week, a fire tore through a homeless camp at Dunedin’s Oval, destroying tents and makeshift shelters in a stark reminder of New Zealand’s soul-destroying housing crisis. This isn’t just a tragedy, it’s a predictable outcome of the Coalition of Chaos’s reckless policies, which have gutted funding for emergency accommodation and homelessness initiatives while leaving vulnerable Kiwis to fend for themselves.

Dunedin Mayor Jules Radich lamented the blaze, pointing the finger at the government’s failure to fund proper housing solutions. He’s right of course, but let’s not kid ourselves: this is a crisis engineered by National and its mates, with Housing Minister Chris Bishop leading the charge in dismantling the state’s role in providing safe and affordable housing for all New Zealanders.


On Friday, Scoop reported:

 

Mayor: Govt Funding Needed To Help Tackle Homelessness

Mayor of Dunedin Jules Radich says a fire which burnt through homeless people’s shelters at the Oval sportsground underscores the urgent need for government action.

The fire swept through tents and a temporary wooden structure at the edge of the Oval this morning, and it was just fortunate there were no serious injuries or deaths, Mayor Radich says.

“We could have been waking up to news of a fatality, and I’m extremely relieved that isn’t the case, but this morning’s fire should put the government on notice that action is needed.

“Winter is coming, and with it the cold temperatures that will only make a bad situation worse for our homeless community.”

Radich called for government funding to support facilities like the proposed Aaron Lodge hub, a plan torpedoed by Bishop himself, who dismissed it as “not viable.” This is the same Bishop who’s overseen the dismantling of state house builds, in Dunedin especially, while the city’s homeless population balloons to over 3,200. 11 state houses over three years is evidently not enough. Meanwhile, Bishop’s crowing about “efficiency” and “market solutions” as he slashes Kāinga Ora’s budget and prioritises making private developers even richer.

The result of the National led government essentially breaking the social contract? A housing crisis that’s pushing people onto the streets and into tents to live in unsanitary and unsafe conditions. It’s not just incompetence; it’s a deliberate choice to abandon those most in need and ignore the substantial evidence that market solutions haven’t and aren’t going to work to fix New Zealand’s housing crisis.

The Coalition’s tightened eligibility for emergency housing has already been linked to a surge in rough sleeping, with frontline workers and Labour’s Carmel Sepuloni warning that families are being kicked out of motels with nowhere to go. The Salvation Army’s damning report earlier this year pinned rising street homelessness squarely on the governments callous cuts. Yet Bishop has the gall to claim homelessness hasn’t risen, based on nothing more than “anecdotal reports” and the fact that the government doesn’t gather official stats.

This is a government that’s not just out of touch with reality, it’s actively making things worse. By strangling funding for emergency accommodation and social housing, they’re ensuring more people end up in dangerous, makeshift camps like the one at the Oval. When propane tanks are exploding and tents are burning, it’s only a matter of time before we’re mourning lives lost.

Make no bones about it, the housing crisis is about life and death. The OECD ranks New Zealand among the worst developed nations for homelessness, and that was before Bishop’s wrecking ball hit social and emergency housing. In effect, the Coalition of Chaos’ obsession with austerity and market dogma is a death sentence for the vulnerable.

We need urgent action: a massive boost in state house construction, restored funding for emergency housing, and real support for councils like Dunedin’s to build transitional facilities without any further delays. Anything less is complicity in a crisis that’s already claiming lives from exposure and despair. Bishop and his Coalition of Chaos cronies need to wake up before more Kiwis pay the ultimate price for the government’s numerous housing failures.

Watch Ozzy Man Destroy Some White Supremacists

Gather round, you bloody legends, and let’s talk about a true Aussie icon who’s taken a wild detour from his usual topics. Ethan Marrell, better known as Ozzy Man, has been a YouTube juggernaut since 2014, dishing out side-splitting commentary with that larrikin charm and a voice that could make a tax return sound like a yarn at the pub.

His channel, Ozzy Man Reviews, is a treasure trove of foul-mouthed takes on everything from wildlife brawls to epic sporting fails, with the occasional piss-take of Game of Thrones or viral internet idiocy thrown in for good measure.

Whether it’s a kangaroo throwing haymakers or a bloke botching a backflip, Ozzy’s rapid-fire wit and unfiltered Aussie slang turns the mundane into comedy gold. He’s the mate you wish was narrating your life…crude, clever, and always bloody entertaining.

 

But here’s the kicker: Ozzy’s gone and got a bit political, and it’s as surprising as finding a vegan at a barbie. Known for steering clear of the heavy stuff, he’s now waded into the deep end, and his latest video is a glorious smackdown of some absolute dropkick white supremacists trying to hijack an Anzac Day dawn service. Yeah, you heard that right. These neo-Nazi numpties thought they could disrupt a sacred War Memorial event with their hateful nonsense, but Ozzy wasn’t having a bar of it.

In his video “Neo Nazis Fark Off” (posted April 2025), Ozzy tears into these clowns. Their “protest” was a pathetic attempt to whinge about a Welcome to Country ceremony, a respectful nod to Indigenous culture that’s about as controversial as a lamington at a morning tea. Ozzy calls them out as “Neo-Nazi” drongos, ripping their bigotry to shreds with his trademark blend of savage humour and no-bullshit clarity. He points out the absurdity of their booing a cultural gesture at a day meant to honour fallen soldiers. Not one to mince words Ozzy Man rightfully points out that these fascists are a disgrace to the Anzac spirit.

This isn’t just Ozzy being a loudmouth; it’s a non-stop factual statement on current affairs. For a bloke who’s built a career on laughing at drunk animals and dodgy dance moves, taking on white supremacists is a bold pivot. It’s a reminder that even our funniest voices can step up when it matters, calling out hate and defending what’s right. Some might say he’s lost the plot, but I say good on him for using his platform to kick these bigots where it hurts. Ozzy Man’s shown he’s not just here for a laugh, he’s also got a spine, too…just like our ANZAC forefathers. So, here’s to you, Ethan Marrell: keep telling it straight and giving those supremacist galahs the flick. Crikey, you’re a national treasure.

Are New Zealanders Really Living Beyond Our Means?

The National-led government has been banging the drum of fiscal restraint again, claiming New Zealanders have been “living beyond our means” in another Luxon hates "wet and whiny New Zealanders" standup that is likely to tank his approval rating even further. Yet, the Coalition of Chaos' actions tell a different story than their unending rhetoric of fiscal restraint: a reckless spree of costly policies that funnel wealth to the privileged while gutting public services under the guise of austerity. Let’s tally the costs, and expose where the money’s really going.


Yesterday, Stuff reported:

NZ ‘has been living beyond its means’, Luxon says in pre-Budget speech

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon says New Zealand “has been living beyond its means” ahead of the Budget later this month, which is expected to be tight after the finance minister cut about $1 billion from the operating allowance.

Citing an increase in debt relative to GDP, from 21.6% in 2017 to around 43% today, Luxon said government spending had “come at a significant cost”, pointing to the doubling of the cost of servicing that debt over the past eight years.

Well duh! Of course debt to GDP is going to increase when you gut the economy and cause growth to tank.

First off, the coalition’s tax cuts for landlords. Restoring interest deductibility for rental properties has ballooned to a $2.9 billion cost over four years, up from an initial $2.1 billion estimate. This is a windfall for property speculators, propping up a housing market that’s already out of reach for most Kiwis. Meanwhile, the coalition scrapped Labour’s foreign buyer tax, which was meant to fund broader tax relief, leaving a revenue hole that Finance Minister Nicola Willis refuses to explain.

Then there’s the ferry debacle. The coalition axed Labour’s well researched plan to replace the ageing Interislander ferry fleet, citing cost overruns. But their “cheaper” alternative? Non-existent. The grounding of the Aratere ferry exposed their failure to plan, risking a $1 billion economic hit if the Cook Strait link fails before 2029. This isn’t savings...it’s negligence, offloading costs onto future governments and taxpayers.

The coalition’s tough-on-crime posturing is equally profligate. Military-style boot camps for youth offenders, launched as a pilot in 2024, are a flashy $20 million distraction with no evidence of reducing reoffending. Their push for more prisons and 500 new police officers adds hundreds of millions to the tab, despite 43% of prisoners languishing unsentenced due to court delays…a problem the coalition’s cutting of legal aid and court resources only worsens.

Then there's David Seymour’s school lunch programme (a pale shadow of Labour’s), which delivers skimpy, low-nutrition meals that are largely inedible. Costing $100 million less annually, it’s a false economy as food grant applications soar, with 20,000 more Kiwis needing emergency help in 2024 alone. In a nation earning $50 billion yearly from food exports that feed 40 million people globally, the coalition’s choice to starve our kids’ potential while prioritising tax breaks for the wealthy is a shameful betrayal.

Let’s not forget the billion dollar boost to the defence budget, including new frigates and cyber capabilities, while the government guts social housing initiatives and homelessness spirals. Pouring money into military hardware while families sleep in cars or on park benches isn’t just tone-deaf, it’s a deliberate choice to prioritise geopolitics over people. Austerity for the vulnerable, largesse for the elite.

Most galling however is the governments repeal of Labour’s world-leading smokefree laws. Scrapping the tobacco sales ban for future generations is projected to cost the health system $1.3 billion over 20 years while boosting tobacco company profits. Willis claims the tax revenue from tobacco sales will fund tax cuts, a cynical trade-off that prioritises corporate interests over Māori and Pasifika health outcomes.

So, where’s the money coming from? Austerity, of course. The coalition’s slashed 6,500 public service jobs, targeting “back-office” roles that often support frontline healthcare and education. Health NZ faces cuts so severe that tea and Milo for staff were briefly on the chopping block. School lunches, disability support, and welfare entitlements have been pared back, hitting the most vulnerable hardest.

The coalition’s “living beyond our means” mantra is a sham. They’re not tightening belts—they’re redirecting wealth to landlords, tobacco giants, and their law-and-order pet projects while starving public services. This isn’t fiscal discipline; it’s a calculated heist, dressed up as necessity. New Zealand deserves better than this chaotic, costly betrayal.