New Zealand First’s Shane Jones has long styled himself as the “Prince of the Provinces,” a champion of regional development and economic growth. But beneath the bluster lies a troubling pattern of behaviour that reeks of cronyism and corruption, undermining the very democracy he claims to serve. Recent revelations and historical missteps paint a damning picture of a politician who seems more interested in cozying up to corporate interests than upholding the integrity expected of a politician.
In 2024, an OIA request exposed Jones’ secret dinner with mining company executives, conveniently left off his official diary, something that notable left-wing politicians have had to resign for. His claim that it was a simple mistake and a “spur-of-the-moment” meeting was debunked when evidence showed his staff had pre-arranged the rendezvous with a lobbyist and other big players from the mining industry, including Stevenson Group deputy chair, Barry Bragg. At this dinner, Jones suggested Bragg's coal mining project, Te Kuha, apply for fast-track approval, leading Bragg to write to RMA Reform Minister Chris Bishop. Additionally, Kings Quarry, part-owned by Andrew Ritchie, who donated $50,000 to NZ First and $5,000 to Jones in 2023, was then approached for fast-track consideration.
This wasn’t a casual chat over a pint; it was a deliberate, under-the-table powwow with vested interests. Jones’ office brushed it off, declaring the matter “closed.” Closed for whom? Certainly not for New Zealanders who deserve transparency from their Resources Minister.
This isn’t Jones’ first brush with ethical ambiguity. Cast your mind back to 2008, when, as a Labour MP, he was embroiled in a citizenship scandal involving money launderer Bill Liu. Jones, then Immigration Minister, fast-tracked Liu’s citizenship despite warnings from officials about Liu’s dubious background. The Auditor-General’s report later slammed Jones for poor judgement, yet he skated by with barely a slap on the wrist. Liu claimed in a signed statement to have given $100,000 to Labour, although there’s no record of the party receiving these funds. Only a $5,000 donation is reported. So where did the rest of that money go, Shane Jones?
As Regional Development Minister in 2021, Jones approved $1.532 million from the Provincial Growth Fund for a Northland project linked to one of his former staffers. He later claimed he couldn’t recall declaring a conflict of interest, raising questions about his lack of transparency.
Shane Jones, as Fisheries Minister, received donations from the fishing industry during his 2023 election campaign. Specifically, he received $5,000 from Westfleet Seafoods and $2,000 from Aimex Hydraulics, both connected to fishing industry figure Craig Boote. Additionally, Sealord and Talley’s have donated large amounts to Jones’ campaigns. In February 2024, Boote lobbied Jones at an exclusive industry event to review policies on cameras, catch limits, bottom trawling, and immigration waivers. As a consequence, Shane Jones often exhibits a pattern of prioritizing donor interests over environmental and worker exploitation concerns.
Fast forward to 2024, and we see echoes of this in the coalitions tobacco policy flip-flops. Jones admitted to celebrating the new government’s formation with a tobacco lobbyist who influenced NZ First’s policy to scrap smoke free reforms. NZ First even fabricated evidence to try and trick the public into accepting and justify their destructive reforms. Public concern grew at the incomprehensibly stupid decision to kill more Kiwis when it emerged that NZ First had received $20,000 in donations from tobacco-affiliated entities during the 2023 election campaign. A “dirty deal” indeed, as Labour’s Ayesha Verrall rightly called it.
Today, Newsroom reported:
It flew in food and supplies for this week’s regional development summit on the island, 800km off the east coast off New Zealand, and minister Shane Jones invited Texel’s directors to take part alongside public sector chief executives and infrastructure bosses.
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Texel is founded and majority-owned by Nelson-based John Chisholm. His family is a big donor to NZ First. According to Electoral Commission records, he contributed $70,000 to the NZ First election campaign in 2023. He says he also contributed to National.
Jones’ defenders might argue he’s just a pragmatic dealmaker. But pragmatism doesn’t excuse deception or the obvious favouritism NZ First exhibits. Jone’s cronyism smacks of picking winners over genuine public interest. Meanwhile, his rhetoric about “woke-riddled” banks and racist claims of “alien ideas” from migrant MPs distracts from these cozy corporate ties, whipping up division to mask his own corruption.
Shane Jones largely operates with impunity because the equally corrupt Winston Peters lets him. The other problem...Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s refusal to reprimand Jones for xenophobic outbursts or dodgy dealings signals a coalition government more interested in holding onto power than principled decision making. When MPs like Jones can lie about meetings, court lobbyists, accept bribes and dodge accountability, it erodes trust in our democracy, which is in itself a breach of the cabinet manual.
New Zealand deserves better than MPs who trade public good for private gain. Jones’ track record of undocumented mining dinners, secret tobacco deals, and citizenship scandals shows a politician who isn’t concerned about ethics at all. It’s time for voters to demand transparency and for the media to stop letting him off the hook. Until then, Shane Jones remains a glaring symptom of a political system that’s far too comfortable with corruption.