The Jackal
 




28 Aug 2025

National Government Gaslights over Economic Downturn

New Zealand’s economy is languishing, and the National-led coalition, with Finance Minister Nicola Willis at the helm, has been quick to point fingers at Labour’s Covid-19 spending.

The problem for the coalition of chaos is their narrative is a masterclass in gaslighting, deflecting blame from their own disastrous economic policies while misrepresenting the past. Let’s unpack their mess, because the truth is far uglier than the coalition’s polished spin.
 

Earlier this month, Stuff reported:

The $66 billion Covid spend up: Treasury asks if the Government went too far

Finance Minister Nicola Willis was quick to draw attention to the Tresuary’s conclusions. She has long blamed current economic challenges on the previous Labour Government.

She said this report proved that, as she has said previously, the Labour Government was fuelling inflation.

“Unfortunately, the Labour government ignored [officials’] advice. The consequence was undisciplined spending that pushed up inflation, eroded New Zealand’s previously low public debt position, and fuelled a cost-of-living crisis,” she said.

“The lesson from Labour’s mishandling of the Covid response is that while there are times when governments have to increase spending in response to major events, the fiscal guardrails should be restored as soon as possible,” she added.


During the Covid-19 pandemic, Labour, under Jacinda Ardern and Chris Hipkins, rolled out a lifeline to keep businesses afloat and workers employed. The Wage Subsidy Scheme alone, costing $18.3 billion, ensured millions of Kiwis kept their jobs, while the $70.4 billion Covid-19 Response and Recovery Fund (CRRF) propped up health, aviation, and small businesses.

This was no reckless spending spree; it was a calculated response to a global crisis, with Treasury initially urging broad-based support like wage subsidies to stabilise the economy. The result? New Zealand’s unemployment rate dropped to a 40-year low of 3.2% by December 2021, and GDP rebounded faster than in any other OECD country. Labour’s spending wasn’t perfect, but it kept the nation afloat when the world was drowning.

 

In 2021, Stuff reported:

NZ dollar tipped to head higher as economy rebounds from Covid

The New Zealand dollar is heading higher as the economy recovers from the Covid-19 pandemic, which will make exports more expensive and imports cheaper.

Fitch Solutions on Wednesday lifted its forecast for the currency, and now expects it to average US74.34 cents over the remainder of this year, having averaged US71.84c over the first five months. The kiwi was at US72.52c around midday on Wednesday.

Economic growth would probably pick up by 3.6 per cent this year after a 1.2 per cent contraction last year, which would encourage investment flows into the country and tighter monetary policy, pushing the currency higher, Fitch said.

“We attribute the New Zealand dollar’s robust uptrend in recent months to the country’s strong economic recovery from the Covid-19 pandemic,” Fitch said.


Enter the National Party, clutching a Treasury report that claims Labour blew $66 billion. Sounds damning, right? Except it’s a sleight of hand. That figure includes general government expenditure, not just Covid-specific measures, inflating the narrative of Labour’s supposed recklessness while Willis has been borrowing even more than former Minister of Finance, Grant Robertson.

National’s comparison of New Zealand’s Covid spending to other countries while Labour was in power is equally dishonest, as those nations often exclude general expenditure from their Covid budgets. It’s a classic case of cherry-picking data to paint Labour as profligate while ignoring the global context. This isn’t analysis; it’s propaganda from a dishonest government that can only blame others for their own economic failures.

Meanwhile, the coalition of chaos has embarked on a slash-and-burn mission. Since taking office in 2023, they’ve axed 10,000 public sector jobs, including 2,000 in health, and imposed 7.5% cuts across ministries. Wellington, the public service hub, is reeling, with house prices down 6.8% and 19,500 jobs lost since January 2025. The downturn in the capital city is palpable.

 

In May, Reuters reported:

New Zealand's budget cuts punish public sector, business and workers

"We were told survive until 2025 and it will get better. Well, we're now in May 2025 and it doesn't feel better," said Thomson, who is currently doing paid freelance work.

New Zealand's conservative coalition government releases its annual budget on Thursday and is expected to continue to push fiscal discipline with many ministries not expected to see budget increases.

Spending cuts since December 2023 have been felt across the wider economy but perhaps most acutely in Wellington, a city of nearly 210,000 where the government has historically been a major employer.

House prices in Wellington have plunged 6.8% over the past year, far exceeding the national decline of 1.1%. Population growth stagnated in 2024, contrasting with a 1.7% increase nationwide. Consumer and economic sentiment in the city remains lower than in many other regions, with businesses and residents expressing concern over the city's prospects.


In Auckland, businesses are folding at twice the rate of last year, surpassing even the 2008 GFC failure rate. The coalition’s austerity obsession is sucking confidence out of the economy, leaving workers and businesses stranded and tens of thousands of young New Zealanders heading overseas to find a brighter future.

Worse, National’s policies are hammering the most vulnerable. Workplace Relations Minister Brooke van Velden’s 1.5% minimum wage increase to $23.50, well below the 2.7% inflation rate, is in real-terms a pay cut. Welfare cuts and increases in the cost of living further erodes people's purchasing power, hitting the elderly and disabled hardest. Even for people with a little bit saved, nobody is spending because nobody feels confident in the current government's economic agenda.

With household costs up 5.4% in the year to June 2024, driven by a 9.0% rise in rent, an 8.7% increase in mortgage interest payments, and higher food and energy prices, Kiwis are struggling to keep up. These pressures, that even the RBNZ's tweaks are not addressing, compounded by a projected 5% rent increase and persistent inflation in 2025, are bleeding many households dry. This isn’t fiscal discipline; its economic sabotage, draining demand and ensuring an increase in business closures due to reduced cash flow.

 

Earlier this month, RNZ reported:

A boom in businesses going bust

New Zealand is riding its highest wave of company liquidations in more than a decade, with thousands of businesses folding and countless livelihoods caught in the crossfire.

Many more are holding on, but just.

In the first half of this year alone, 1270 businesses have shut their doors - a 12 percent increase on this time year.

It's now anticipated that the total number of liquidations for the year will surpass 2024's 10-year high, when 2500 companies folded. That was an increase of nearly 700 compared to 2023. 


Nicola Willis, the architect of this misery, has the gall to blame Labour while implementing austerity on the poor and pushing policies that fuel inflation. Treasury forecast inflation would be as low as 1.8% in 2025, but National’s policies have kept it at 2.7% and climbing.

National, and their coalition bedfellows, are becoming increasingly desperate, and are throwing everything they can to prop up their golden goose, the floundering housing market. Foreign buyers might make the numbers look good on paper for a while, but they'll do nothing to ensure New Zealanders quality of life improves through increased home ownership rates.

The coalitions much-touted Fast-Track Approvals Bill, now being spruiked as an economic saviour for families unable to afford basic food items, offers zero cost-of-living relief for everyday Kiwis. It’s a sop to developers, corporates and the existing supermarket duopoly, not families facing skyrocketing bills at the checkout.

Willis’ rhetoric about cleaning up Labour’s mess is pure gaslighting, obscuring the fact that her austerity is deepening the economic downturn.

The coalition of chaos is driving New Zealand into an economic abyss, while they attempt to cloak their failures in Labour-bashing and dodgy numbers. The Covid hangover is real, but it’s Willis’ heartless cuts and misguided priorities that are keeping the economy on its knees.

Published by the Jackal



23 Aug 2025

Curriculum Tweaks Won't Solve Learning Slump

New Zealand’s education system is in a slow-motion crisis, with student achievement sliding relentlessly. PISA 2022 results reveal a grim picture: mathematics scores plummeted to 479 (down 15 points from 2018), reading to 501 (down 4), and science to 504 (down 5), marking a 20-year decline equivalent to a year of lost schooling. The National-led government, in power since late 2023, points fingers at cell-phones, curriculum woes and truancy, but these are sideshows. The real culprit, child poverty, is being ignored, and National’s policies are once again making things worse.
 

On Tuesday, RNZ reported:

 
Education Minister Erica Stanford on raising writing achievement

Education Minister Eric Stanford is announcing the government's new Writing Action Plan to supercharge writing achievement and better set Kiwi kids up for success

The announcement comes the same day as a new study shows only a quarter of children at the end of intermediate school were writing and doing maths last year at the level expected by new curriculums introduced this year.

The Curriculum Insights study tested children in Years 3, 6 and 8 last year and results were released on Tuesday.

The study found children were doing about as well as in previous years.

But it found few were performing at the level expected by the incoming maths and English curriculums.

Just 22 percent of Year 3 children, 30 percent of Year 6 children and 23 percent of Year 8s were doing maths at the expected level.

And in writing 41 percent of Year 3s, 33 percent of Year 6 children and 24 percent of Year 8s were at the level expected of their age group.

 

Until poverty is tackled head-on, our kids will continue to struggle, no matter how many curriculum tweaks or attendance crackdowns we see. Poverty’s impact on learning is undeniable. Hungry children can’t focus; insecure housing breeds stress and illness. Research shows 14% of students skip meals weekly due to financial hardship, leading to score drops of 42–76 points across subjects, equivalent to 2–4 years of lost learning.

In 2024, child poverty metrics worsened: material hardship rose to 13.2% (152,000 children), up from 12.5% in 2022/23, with Māori and Pasifika children hit hardest. National’s austerity measures, slashing minimum wage growth and freezing welfare adjustments, have deepened this crisis.

Real-term cuts to benefits amid rising costs have left many families scrambling, with 20% of households with school-age kids unable to afford healthy food. The government’s policies, significantly skewed toward high earners, and cuts to school lunches, that have largely become inedible, offer no relief to struggling families, ensuring more children are hungry, unable to learn.

Poor housing is another anchor dragging down children's achievement. Overcrowded, damp homes, common across New Zealand, lead to health issues like respiratory problems, with hospitalisation rates for poor children 2–3 times higher than their peers. These conditions lead to students missing school, disrupt sleep and study, compounding stress and reducing focus. Limited access to resources, like internet or school supplies and uniforms, further isolate low-income students.

The current neoliberal government in New Zealand has also made housing for anyone who rents less secure, scaled back social housing investment and made it harder to attain emergency housing. This retreat from housing support entrenches instability, leaving many thousands of kids in environments hostile to learning.

National’s apparent indifference, prioritising landlord tax breaks over beneficial housing reforms or housing programmes, signals a disregard for the conditions that shape educational success. In particular, the National-led government's archaic policies appear to be largely targeted at Māori children, with a return to the bad old days of banning te reo Māori from school literature, even though it's a proven effective tool for learning.

 

Yesterday, The Guardian reported:

Why is the New Zealand government cutting Māori words from some school books?

A shake-up of New Zealand’s curriculum has resulted in Māori words being scrapped from a selection of books used to teach five-year-olds and a decision not to reprint a well-loved book for young readers because it contained too many Māori words.

The changes have sparked widespread criticism from academics, teachers and authors, who have called it “an assault” on Māori identity and the latest in the coalition government’s efforts to prioritise English over the Indigenous language – criticisms the education minister has strongly rejected.

...

Why have the changes sparked criticism?

Principles, academics and authors have criticised the decision, saying it undermines the place of the Indigenous language and children’s ability to learn both English and Māori.

“It’s not only harmful from a cultural identity perspective, but it also gives very little faith in our children that they can grasp these very few, simple words,” said Dr Awanui Te Huia, associate professor at Victoria University of Wellington’s Māori studies department, Te Kawa a Māui.


Curriculum reform and attendance policies, while not irrelevant, are secondary to the social conditions required to provide effective learning. The current curriculum’s lack of clarity in subjects like science and outdated literacy approaches do need fixing, and low attendance (only 58% of students attended school more than 90% of the time in 2024) is a concern. But National’s obsession with structured literacy mandates and penalising poor families with truancy fines entirely misses the point.

A child who’s hungry or sick won’t learn, no matter how rigorous the curriculum or how often they’re dragged to class by parents afraid of further financial penalties. These measures distract from the root issue: poverty inhibiting children's potential to learn.

The coalition of chaos’ policies betray a wilful blindness to what matters. Instead of investing in things that work, like school lunch programmes, proven to boost engagement and achievement, they’ve slashed funding for Ka Ora, Ka Ako by $107 million annually, reducing per-student lunch budgets from $6.99–$8.90 to as low as $3, compromising meal quality for over 244,000 students in 2025.

Instead of expanding health services or social housing, they’ve cut social housing investment and restricted access to numerous social services, while funnelling $153 million to charter schools with no proven benefit. This isn’t just neglect; it’s a deliberate choice to let inequality fester while wasting taxpayer money on pet projects already proven to be failures.

In 2024, Stuff reported:

Charter school agency staff paid average salary of $158,889

The new charter school agency is paying its staff an average salary of $158,889 - much higher than Ministry of Education staff and more than 50% higher than the public service average salary.

The agency has 18 staff members and sits within the Ministry of Education. But it pays more than staff there, where the average salary is $112,300, according to the public service commission. Charter school agency staff are also paid 56% more than the average public service salary, which is $101,700. 

 

In April, Stuff reported:

Charter schools: David Seymour defends $10 million for 215 students

David Seymour is defending the $10 million budget for charter schools when seven have been operating since February this year with only 215 students enrolled in them.

By averaging the cost across the 215 students, it equates to roughly $46,500 per student and is significantly higher than the core funding per student at a state school, which is just above $9000.


The evidence is clear: poverty drives educational decline, and the coalition of chaos' austerity policies are only making the situation worse. If we want kids to thrive, we need a government that ensures they’re fed, housed, and able to be healthy, not one that punishes them for their circumstances. Until then, no amount of classroom tinkering will close the gap.

Published by the Jackal



20 Aug 2025

Chris Luxon: Part-Time Prime Minister

Christopher Luxon's tenure as Prime Minister has been marked by a troubling pattern of absence when leadership is most needed. From international crises to domestic unrest, from parliamentary debates to national commemorations, Luxon has consistently found reasons to be somewhere else when the hard conversations need to happen.

What we've witnessed isn't merely political miscalculation or scheduling mishaps...it's a systematic abdication of the responsibilities that come with holding New Zealand's highest office. Where previous Prime Ministers understood that leadership means showing up for the difficult moments, Luxon appears to have redefined the role as one of selective engagement, choosing comfort and optics over confrontation at every critical juncture.

The most recent and perhaps most damning example came when Luxon chose to skip a virtual meeting with numerous European leaders including Keir Starmer and Emmanuel Macron. The Prime Minister cited the meeting being at "1am New Zealand time" as his excuse for non-attendance, yet this reasoning falls apart under even an iota of scrutiny. For a leader who holds no portfolios and maintains a deliberately light schedule, adjusting sleep patterns for critical international diplomacy should be standard practice and certainly was under Luxon's predecessors.
 

Yesterday, RNZ reported:

PM skips Coalition of the Willing meeting

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon did not dial in to the latest Coalition of the Willing meeting because of time zone differences.

French President Emmanuel Macron and UK Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer co-chaired the virtual meeting about 1am New Zealand time.

Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky also joined the talks, that focused on support for Ukraine and next steps in peace negotiations.

...

Speaking at his weekly post Cabinet media conference Monday afternoon, Luxon confirmed he did not attend Monday morning's meeting.

"I have tried to make them, wherever possible. This one was at 1am in the morning. It goes for two or three hours and then I'm on a media round this morning and obviously down here for Cabinet this morning as well."

He rejected suggestions he did not join the Coalition of the Willing meeting because he didn't think it was important enough.


Luxon prioritising his regular appearance on Mike Hosking's breakfast show, where he delivered his pre-prepared zinger about opposition leader Chris Hipkins needing to "get out from under his rock" regarding the Covid-19 inquiry is a complete failure of leadership. For this part-time Prime Minister, scoring political points on talkback radio apparently trumps engaging with world leaders on matters of war and peace.

The right wing propagandists have been quick to make up a number of excuses that don't hold any water, but the sad fact of the matter is that Luxon chose his own floundering political career over the lives of civilians caught up in the Ukraine and Gaza conflicts.

The hypocrisy is breathtaking. Luxon has been vocal in claiming that Hipkins is trying to "politically gaslight" New Zealanders by not appearing at the Covid-19 Inquiry, demanding accountability from the opposition leader, even though Labour leaders both past and present have provided all the evidence the second inquiry requested. Yet when it comes to his own responsibilities, Luxon routinely finds excuses to avoid the hard yards required of a functioning Prime Minister.

This pattern of absence is even worse when looking at domestic issues. When the controversial Treaty Principles Bill was being debated, Luxon conveniently found himself needing to discuss Trump's tariff wars with world leaders and could apparently only phone them up from Auckland, a transparent dodge that fooled no one. The Prime Minister who demands others show accountability has become a master of avoiding his own.

In April, Stuff reported:

Why Christopher Luxon won't be at the Treaty Principles Bill debate

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon will fly to Auckland while Parliament holds what should be its final debate about the Treaty Principles Bill.

Opposition leaders have criticised Luxon for avoiding the Treaty Principles Bill debates, saying his absence shows a lack of leadership. But Luxon says his position on the bill has been clear and he has no regrets about how this ill-fated proposal has played out.

...

Who said what

Luxon said he would be spending Thursday afternoon in a series of calls with world leaders to discuss the global trade war as US-President Donald Trump made moves on tariffs.

But he said he wanted to make those calls from Auckland.

 

It would have been just as easy for Mr Luxon to make those phone calls from Wellington while he also attended the Treaty Principles Bill debate.

Claire Trevet at the NZ Herald tried to put a positive spin on Luxon's absence:

Forget about David Seymour’s Treaty Principles Bill, PM Christopher Luxon’s Trump tariffs crisis could be the making of him

At the same time, Luxon was nowhere to be seen. Instead, he was on the blower – a can of Pepsi Max on his desk – calling other leaders around Asia and in Europe to try to cobble together a united front and shore up the existing free trade agreements.
 
Luxon was absent from Parliament yesterday as MPs debated the bill, which had hung over the coalition parties since it was agreed as part of their legislative agenda after coalition negotiations following the 2023 election.
 
He spent his time speaking to world leaders about the global trading environment in the light of United States President Donald Trump’s tariff scheme that caused chaos in financial markets this week. Luxon made calls to leaders including Philippines President Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos Jr, Fijian Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen.


Unfortunately for New Zealand, Luxon has often failed to engage meaningfully with voters on the issues that matter most to them. Instead of working to fix the countries numerous problems, Luxon appears to be too busy attacking previous administrations to actually give a damn!

When he's not blaming Labour for his own administrations failings, Luxon is shirking his responsibilities and dodging the difficult questions. Take the country's largest hikoi in New Zealand for instance, protesting the Treaty Principles Bill, the Prime Minister was notably absent from any meaningful dialogue.

Last year, 1 News reported:

Prime Minister on why he did not meet hīkoi at Parliament

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has explained why he didn't meet yesterday's Hīkoi mō Te Tiriti at Parliament.

There were extraordinary scenes yesterday when a crowd estimated by police to be as many as 42,000 marched through Wellington to Parliament, many of them voicing opposition to the Government's Treaty Principles Bill.

The Bill's architect David Seymour, alongside ACT MPs, made a brief appearance on Parliament's forecourt during the hīkoi, however the Prime Minister did not front it.

On Breakfast this morning, the Prime Minister was asked why he chose not to face the hīkoi when so many people were outside his office.

Luxon explained: "The real reason was that a lot of the organisers were Te Pati Māori. They have an opportunity to interrogate me in the House each and every week.


Similarly, when hospital protesters in Dunedin sought to voice their concerns about healthcare cuts, reports emerged of Luxon sneaking in a side door to avoid accountability.

Last year, The Otago Daily Times reported:

'Cowardly': Luxon sidesteps protest by using back entrance

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has been called "cowardly" after hurrying in a back door to avoid a hospital protest in central Dunedin.

A group of about 30 protesters chanting, carrying placards and wearing 'They save We pay" t-shirts were waiting to greet Mr Luxon at the entrance to the Dunedin Public Art Gallery.

But Mr Luxon's motorcade stopped instead in Moray Place, at the back of the art gallery.


This isn't leadership; it's political cowardice. A Prime Minister who lacks the backbone to face legitimate protest about his unpopular policy decisions is one who fundamentally misunderstands the democratic compact between the government and the governed.

Luxon's pattern of avoidance perhaps peaked with his decision to skip Waitangi Day 2025 altogether. Despite being personally invited by Māori leaders who expected him to show some leadership during a time of division over the Treaty Principles Bill. Luxon claiming that he wanted to "celebrate Waitangi Day around New Zealand with different iwi" rings hollow when viewed against his government's divisive Treaty policies and unrepentant attack on Māoridom.

As Pita Tipene noted, "kāwanatanga and rangatiratanga need to have conversations, as heavy and as challenging as those conversations may get." But Luxon fled from precisely these necessary discussions. By abandoning Waitangi during one of the most politically charged periods in recent memory, he demonstrated that when true leadership is demanded, he simply doesn't show up.

However, the timing issue regarding the Ukraine meeting reveals something even more concerning about Luxon's priorities. He noted the call went for hours, suggesting he was fully aware of its duration and importance beforehand. Yet rather than adjust his schedule to accommodate this critical international engagement, he chose to maintain his comfortable routine of friendly media appearances.

Luxon's absence during critical moments extends to a pattern of conveniently being elsewhere when domestic controversies are likely to occur. At the first reading of the ACT Party's Treaty Principles Bill, a moment that captured international attention and symbolised the deep division his government's policies have created, Luxon was at the APEC summit. Given that the government largely controls parliamentary timetabling through the Leader of the House, this scheduling conflict was entirely foreseeable and avoidable.

Instead of ensuring he was present for such a significant constitutional moment, Luxon allowed the most controversial bill in his government's legislative programme to proceed in his absence in order to protect his particular brand from further valid accusations of racism. From Peru, he dismissed the parliamentary disruption with a clear lack of understanding of its cultural and constitutional significance, resorted to procedural falsehoods and once again demonstrated a Prime Minister more comfortable engaging with safe audiences than confronting the difficult conversations his own policies have necessitated at home.

This speaks to a deeper problem with Luxon's understanding of what being the Prime Minister entails. He appears to view the role as a part-time position...one that can be managed around his preferred schedule and media commitments. The reality is that being Prime Minister requires sacrifice, including the sacrifice of convenience and comfort when duty calls.

New Zealand deserves better than a part-time Prime Minister who picks and chooses when to show up. The country faces significant challenges, from cost of living pressures to international tensions, that require active, engaged leadership. Luxon's pattern of absence and excuse-making suggests a leader fundamentally unprepared for the demands of the office he holds.

When future historians examine this period, they will likely note that New Zealand had a Prime Minister who was present in title but absent in practice. The question facing New Zealanders is whether they will continue to tolerate such part-time leadership. The evidence suggests that Chris Luxon has already answered that question for them...through his actions, or more accurately, his inaction.

Published by the Jackal



19 Aug 2025

National's Health Cuts Leave NZ Exposed

New Zealand finds itself woefully unprepared for another Covid-19 outbreak, with the coalition government's systematic dismantling of healthcare capacity, cavalier approach to public health messaging, and ideological opposition to evidence-based policy leaving the nation vulnerable to future health crisis.

The warning signs are unmistakable. While the incidence of Covid-19 decreased in 2024 compared with the previous two years, partly driven by the lack of an expected wave over the 2024-25 summer, experts caution this pattern may not continue. But rather than using this respite to strengthen our defences, the current administration has pursued policies that actively undermine public health preparedness.

Perhaps most concerning is the government's abdication of responsibility for coherent public health messaging. Where previous administrations maintained clear communication strategies, the coalition of chaos has offered a vacuum of leadership that has been filled by misinformation and conspiracy theories, conspiracy theories that are sometimes promoted by government MPs and their associates. This messaging crisis has precipitated a dangerous decline in vaccination rates, leaving vulnerable people exposed as new variants emerge.
 

Today, Stuff reported:

 
Five deaths a week and dozens of hospitalisations show Covid hasn’t gone away

A new strain of Covid-19 is making itself known in New Zealand.

XFG, or Stratus as it is nicknamed, was classified by the World Health Organisation as a “variant under monitoring” in June, one month after first showing up in wastewater testing here.

According to wastewater analysis from PHF Science (formerly ESR), Stratus has been on the rise for the past two months. In the week ending August 3, it was the second-most detected strain of Covid, after NB.1.8.1, or Nimbus.

“I've seen in other countries that XFG has out-competed the NB.1.8.1 variant and sort of taken over,” said University of Canterbury professor and expert modeller Michael Plank.

“We haven’t seen that happen in New Zealand so far, which is maybe a little bit surprising. And it could happen, you know, in the months ahead. But at the moment, it's the NB.1.8.1 that appears to be dominating.”

 

The human cost of this negligence extends far beyond acute infections. Risk of long COVID remains high, yet the government has no coherent policy framework to address this growing health burden. Long COVID sufferers, already marginalised by a healthcare system struggling to understand their condition amidst chronic staff shortages, face an uncertain future with diminishing support and recognition.

However, most damaging is the government's systematic defunding of healthcare infrastructure, with the health sector underfunded by approximately NZ$1.5–1.9 billion annually. Nearly 10,000 public sector jobs have been axed as Finance Minister Nicola Willis imposes annual spending cuts as part of the government’s 6.5–7.5% cost-saving mandate, which has had a significant impact on our health sector.

Approximately 2,165 health sector roles have been eliminated, particularly in data, digital, and public health teams. Critics, including the Public Service Association, argue these cuts weaken COVID-19 preparedness and health system resilience.

The coalition's health policies, or lack thereof, demonstrate a fundamental misunderstanding of pandemic preparedness. Funding has been woefully inadequate creating or worsening conditions of severe under-staffing. In fact Budget 2024 committed more new money to funding security guards for A&E departments compared to training new medical staff. This speaks volumes about a neoliberal government who are more concerned with managing system failure rather than addressing its root causes.

Furthermore, the dysfunction within the coalition itself raises serious questions about its capacity to manage health crisis. Deputy Prime Minister Winston Peters's inflammatory rhetoric and apparent sympathy for anti-vaccination sentiment, reflected in his choice of press secretary, sends dangerous mixed messages at a time when clear, science-based communication is still essential. It doesn't bode well when government minister's are consistently undermining public health measures that actually worked and whose offices often struggle with basic media relations.

The current coalition of chaos campaign against the previous Labour led government for its Covid response is also endemic of an administration with no clear plan for the future. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, flanked by his sanctimonious coalition cronies, have unleashed a venomous tirade against former Labour leaders Jacinda Ardern, Chris Hipkins, and Grant Robertson for opting out of the second, non-mandatory phase of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into New Zealand’s COVID-19 response, smugly accusing them of shirking accountability.

Luxon, in a blatant display of political grandstanding, even falsely claimed the Labour leaders defied a summons to appear in person, a lie swiftly debunked by the inquiry chair, Grant Illingworth KC, who confirmed that no such requirement existed and that private testimony, like Ardern’s three-hour interview, was entirely sufficient.

This disingenuous attack by the Prime Minister and others, with Seymour sneering at Labour’s absence, reeks of a calculated campaign to vilify the previous administration’s world-leading response, which saved an estimated 20,000 lives. The National-led government’s relentless and expensive pursuit of political point-scoring undermines the inquiry’s purpose and makes a mockery of their claim that the second Covid inquiry wouldn't be used as a political weapon.

The coalition government's retrospective criticism of Labour's pandemic spending, which was recently misrepresented by Treasury, reveals another profound misunderstanding of both epidemiology and economics. Those early investments in health infrastructure, wage subsidies, and public health measures prevented a catastrophic loss of life and economic collapse, economic collapse that the current government's archaic policies appear to be trying to initiate.

Despite the success of New Zealand's Covid response and recovery, the coalition has fervently criticised the previous administration while systematically dismantling the capacity within our health system, which is currently struggling to even deal with things like the current flu season, while offering no alternative strategy for future outbreaks.

The healthcare system is already under severe strain, with thousands of New Zealanders still waiting unreasonable amounts of time for treatment. When the next pandemic arrives, these same hospitals will be expected to manage surge capacity while operating with reduced staff and constrained budgets, potentially reducing the effectiveness of whatever response measures the National-led government can cobble together.

New Zealand's COVID response was once the envy of the world, built on scientific rigour, clear communication, and decisive action. Today, we face the prospect of another wave with a fragmented government that seems ideologically opposed to the very measures that once protected us. The question isn't whether we will face another COVID surge, but whether the current government will make that surge far more devastating than it needed to be.

The coalition's approach represents not just policy failure, but a fundamental abandonment of the government's duty to protect public health. As epidemiologists keep watch, New Zealanders deserve leaders who will listen to science rather than pander to conspiracy theorists, invest in healthcare rather than cut it, and prepare for the challenges ahead rather than pretend they don't exist.

Published by the Jackal



17 Aug 2025

We Must Keep The Cookers out of Government

New Zealand politics has reached a dangerous tipping point. What was once a reasonably sensible political landscape has become infested with conspiracy theorists, anti-vaccine zealots, and assorted cranks who wouldn't recognise evidence-based policy if it slapped them in the face with a peer-reviewed journal.

Perhaps you've heard that the founder of Counterspin Media, Kelvyn Alp, is running in the upcoming Tāmaki Makaurau by-election, and trying to bring his particular brand of conspiracy-fuelled nonsense to a wider audience. This is the same individual who has spent years spreading misinformation and conspiracy theories through his discredited media platform, Counterspin Media.

That such a figure feels emboldened to seek elected office speaks volumes about how far democracy has fallen in New Zealand.


Today, The Post reported:

 
The ‘ghost party’ at the centre of a bitter political feud

A candidate in the Tāmaki Makaurau by-election has revived the name and identity of a defunct political party, drawing accusations of “theft” from its founder.

Kelvyn Alp, a fringe media figure best known as the co-founder of the conspiracy-driven outlet Counterspin Media, is one of five candidates vying for the seat left vacant after the death of Te Pāti Māori’s Takutai Moana ‘Tarsh’ Kemp.

He is running under the banner of New Zealand Loyal, the political party launched by former broadcaster Liz Gunn ahead of the 2023 general election. The party won 1.2% of the vote and was de-registered shortly afterwards.


Meanwhile, the appointment of Jaap Knegtmans within Peters' ministerial office is particularly troubling. This individual has promoted various conspiracy theories, including references to "clot shots" and "globalists" exhibiting the kind of poisonous rhetoric that has no place in serious governance.

When the Foreign Affairs Minister's office becomes a breeding ground for conspiracy theorists, we've crossed a line that threatens the very fabric of democracy and our international relationships.

Today, Andrea Vance also reported:

 
Globalists, ‘clot shots’ and the ‘evil witch’: How a conspiracy poster landed a job at the heart of government

A NZ First staffer who cheered on the Parliament occupation is still posting conspiracy theories and far-right content while working in the office of Winston Peters. Andrea Vance investigates.

In February 2022, Jaap Knegtmans was on Parliament’s lawn, attending the anti-mandate occupation.

Three and a half years later, he is inside the Beehive, employed as a ministerial press secretary and adviser in the office of NZ First leader and foreign affairs minister Winston Peters.

Telegram posts and videos reviewed by the Sunday Star-Times reveal a long record of Knegtmans promoting conspiracy theories, vaccine misinformation, and far-right talking points – and he has continued to post similar material while working in government.


However, the problem of cookers trying to infiltrate our local and central governments extends far beyond these two recent developments. Cast your mind back in time to Sue Grey, a lawyer turned conspiracy theorist, who promoted anti-vaccine misinformation during COVID-19 which attempted to undermine the very foundations of our public health system. Grey may have deregistered her Freedoms New Zealand political party, formed alongside co-leader and cultist Brian Tamaki, but her demise, like Leighton Baker and his New Conservative Party, showcases the journey from respected professional to outright conspiracy theorist, illustrating how these toxic ideas can capture even educated individuals and cause their downfall.

Then there's Hannah Tamaki, leader of another conspiracy driven political party, Vision NZ, who is again contesting the Tāmaki Makaurau seat, having received 829 votes in 2023.

Like her husband, Brian Tamaki, Hannah's political career, or lack thereof, has been built on a foundation of religious fanaticism mixed with conspiracy theories, representing the dangerous fusion of religious fundamentalism and political extremism that threatens our delicate democratic institutions.

Which brings us to Jami-Lee Ross, whose fall from National Party MP to conspiracy theorist and convicted criminal represents the absolute nadir of political degradation. Ross, after being ousted from the National Party, formed Advance New Zealand and allied with Billy Te Kahika’s nutty New Zealand Public Party, which was explicitly driven by conspiracy theories. His transformation from parliamentarian to what can only be described as a thoroughly discredited pimp shows how conspiracy thinking can completely destroy political careers and personal credibility.
 

On 1 August, RNZ reported:

Ex-National MP Jami-Lee Ross seeks political comeback

Former National MP Jami-Lee Ross says he may not be a perfect person, but he would get things done.

Ross is seeking a comeback in politics at a local level and is putting his hat in the ring to serve on the Howick Local Board in Auckland.

"I spent six years on the Manukau City Council before a decade spent in Parliament. I understand council and government processes well and I can put those skills to good use working at a local board level," he said in a statement.


The common thread connecting all these figures is their complete abandonment of evidence-based reasoning. Whether discussing vaccination policy, climate change, international relations, or basic public health measures, they consistently choose conspiracy theories over scientific evidence. This disillusionment represents a fundamental threat to democratic governance, which should in theory depend on informed debate based on factual information to make decisions that benefit all New Zealanders.

What makes this situation particularly dangerous is how these grifters have managed to gain platforms and influence within established political parties. When Winston Peters' office employs publicly vociferous conspiracy theorists, when fringe candidates with criminal convictions feel confident enough to run for Parliament, and when established politicians embrace conspiracy thinking, we're witnessing the systematic corruption of our democratic institutions.

The solution requires vigilance from voters, mainstream media, and established political parties. We must refuse to normalise deluded conspiracy thinking, challenge misinformation wherever it appears, and ensure that evidence-based policy-making becomes a fundamental foundation of democratic governance. The alternative, a political system dominated by conspiracy theorists who reject evidence in favour of paranoid fantasy, which represents an existential threat to effective governance and social cohesion.

New Zealand deserves better than government by conspiracy theory. The time has come to draw clear lines and keep the cookers out of serious political discourse before they poison our democracy entirely.

Published by the Jackal



15 Aug 2025

Under Pressure Luxon Resorts to Lying

The art of political spin has always existed in the corridors of power, but what we're witnessing from Prime Minister Christopher Luxon represents something far more concerning, a systematic abandonment of factual discourse in favour of outright fabrication. When a leader begins peddling untruths with the casual confidence of someone ordering their morning flat white, we must ask ourselves: what does this say about the state of our democracy?

The most egregious recent example came during a media standup after parliamentary question time, where Luxon falsely claimed that former Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern had been summonsed to appear before the Covid-19 Royal Commission of Inquiry. This wasn't a slip of the tongue or a misunderstanding, it was a deliberate mischaracterisation designed to paint Ardern as somehow legally compelled to participate in person.

 

On Thursday, Stuff reported:

Luxon claims Ardern was ‘summonsed’ to Covid Inquiry. She wasn’t

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has claimed Jacinda Ardern and three other former ministers were summonsed to appear at public hearings for the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Covid-19.

“To be clear, they summonsed them,” Luxon told reporters today. “They refused to show and I think that's not right”.

Problem is, he’s wrong. Those running the inquiry chose not to use powers under the Inquiries Act to force the former Prime Minister as well as former Covid Minister Chris Hipkins, former Health Minister Ayesha Verrall, and former Finance Minster Grant Robertson to appear at public hearings.

Inquiry chair Grant Illingworth explicitly said yesterday that he chose not to use the summons powers.


 

The reality is that Ardern was invited to provide evidence, a standard practice for such inquiries. She accepted willingly, as one would expect from someone with nothing to hide.

This fabrication serves a dual purpose for Luxon: it attempts to weaponise the inquiry process against his predecessor whilst simultaneously creating the false impression that there's something sinister about Ardern not attending in person. It's textbook deflection from a Prime Minister whose own government is struggling with credibility issues across multiple portfolios.

The pattern continues with Luxon's bizarre claim about his mountaintop meeting with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese. According to the Prime Minister, their $27,000 helicopter-assisted pavlova photo-op was well received across the Tasman.

Yet a curious thing happened, or rather, didn't happen. Australian media outlets, typically eager to cover bilateral meetings between leaders, remained conspicuously silent. No photographs emerged in Australia of this supposed diplomatic triumph, no video footage of the Prime Ministers atop New Zealand's scenic peaks.

One might charitably suggest that perhaps the Australian press simply missed this momentous occasion, but in an era where every political gesture is photographed, tweeted, and analysed to death, such an oversight seems improbable.

The more likely explanation is that Luxon's definition of well received bears little resemblance to observable reality. When your diplomatic achievements require you to speak for foreign media outlets that didn't report them, perhaps it's time to reconsider your communications strategy.

 

On Thursday, Stuff also reported:

Two helicopters, two prime ministers and a pavlova. Was this $27,000 lunch worth it?

Assuming they were charged the normal amount, a ballpark cost of a trip like this would be at least $27,000 for the two helicopters. Stuff asked Luxon’s office and Department of Internal Affairs to confirm if that was the bill. They did not respond.

Luxon told Stuff he didn’t know the details. But he hailed the visit as a success.

“I just say to you, I think my feedback I got from that Sunday night from people in Australia was like, ‘Man, what a fantastic trip. New Zealand looked fantastic.’ And it played really well back into the Australian media,” he told Stuff, after he returned to the capital.

But in Australia, almost none of the news websites and television bulletins used photos or video from the mountaintop.


These lies might seem inconsequential to some. However, it's Luxon's recent fear-mongering about a capital gains tax that reveals the most troubling aspect of his relationship with truth. The Prime Minister has repeatedly claimed that implementing such a tax would trigger an exodus of wealthy New Zealanders, leaving the country economically bereft. This tired trope has been wheeled out by opponents of progressive taxation for decades, and it remains as factually bankrupt today as it was then.

Research consistently demonstrates that concerns about "capital flight" are grossly overstated. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities in the United States has extensively documented how "millionaire tax flight" is a myth with no evidence to support it. Similarly, research by Stanford sociologist Cristobal Young found that claims about wealthy individuals fleeing high-tax states amount to "searching for a crisis that does not really exist".
The OECD's own research on capital gains taxation shows that most OECD countries successfully tax capital gains upon realisation, often with exemptions for housing and small businesses. These nations haven't experienced the economic apocalypse that Luxon suggests would befall New Zealand should we dare to ask wealthy people, like himself, to contribute their fair share.

The Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy notes that tax-related migration is "grossly exaggerated", while the Centre on Budget and Policy Priorities has demonstrated that claims about tax hikes driving rich households away are "unproven". The pattern is clear: countries that have implemented capital gains taxes haven't witnessed mass defections by the wealthy, and those that have moved their wealth have often done so for administrative reasons rather than due to capital flight.

What makes Luxon's fearmongering particularly galling is that it represents a betrayal of the evidence-based policy approach that New Zealand has traditionally championed. We're a nation that once prided ourselves on pragmatic governance, on looking at what works rather than what sounds good in a focus group. Yet here we have a Prime Minister who appears more comfortable trafficking in discredited talking points rather than telling the truth.
The concerning trajectory of Luxon's relationship with truth raises profound questions about the health of our political discourse. When leaders feel they need to make demonstrably false claims without consequence, when they substitute their own alternative facts for reality, we edge closer to the kind of post-truth politics that has poisoned democratic institutions elsewhere.

New Zealanders deserve better than a Prime Minister who treats truth as an inconvenient obstacle to his political messaging. We deserve leaders who understand that governance requires grappling with complexity, not retreating into comfortable fictions. The mounting evidence of Luxon's casual relationship with factual accuracy isn't just concerning, it's a warning sign that our democracy's immune system against misinformation may be weaker than we thought.

The question now is whether New Zealanders will hold their Prime Minister accountable for his numerous falsehoods, or whether we'll allow the normalisation of political dishonesty to continue its corrosive work on our democratic institutions?
Published by the Jackal