McSkimming Cover-Up: Luxon and Mitchell’s Lies Unravel

The Jevon McSkimming scandal, where a former Deputy Police Commissioner stands accused of sexual offending, with a cover-up stench wafting from the highest echelons of the Police and Parliament, has exposed a government more interested in protecting its own than upholding justice.

The Independent Police Conduct Authority’s report, released on November 11, 2025, paints a damning picture: senior cops failed to act, and the rot extends all the way to Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Police Minister Mark Mitchell. Yet, the National Party insists they only learned of the allegations recently. Let’s dissect this flimsy excuse and the media’s complicit silence in a scandal that should bring down the government.

First, the timeline reeks of inconsistency. The NZ Herald reveals that Luxon and Mitchell received anonymous emails detailing McSkimming’s alleged misconduct as early as December 2023. That’s nearly two years ago, yet they claim ignorance until the IPCA report dropped this month. How convenient!

On 12 Nov, the NZ Herald reported:

Jevon McSkimming emails: What happened after Mark Mitchell, Christopher Luxon received anonymous allegations?

Police Minister Mark Mitchell says it was “atrocious” for police headquarters to tell staff in his Beehive office not to inform him of emails arriving in his own parliamentary inbox containing allegations against Jevon McSkimming.

The level of gross incompetency required to not know about these allegation emails should inhibit Luxon and Mitchell from being in Parliament, let alone a part of a New Zealand Government. Their claims of ignorance, however, are stretched beyond credibility when evidence shows they were directly informed through their offices, raising serious questions about their accountability, honesty and leadership.

The IPCA uncovered that over 300 emails were dispatched by the complainant, Ms Z, between December 2023 and April 2024, with senior police allegedly managing to suppress the matter, despite 36 emails being directed to Mark Mitchell and 10 to Christopher Luxon. If police headquarters instructed Mitchell’s office to withhold these communications, which he himself described as “atrocious” why did he fail to demand answers or ensure that all those who failed in their duties are rightly dismissed?

Are we simply to accept that none of the staff in Mitchell’s office, the police staff seconded there or their commanding officers fulfilled their obligation to properly inform the Minister, as explicitly required by the no surprises legislation?

The excuse that standard email procedure was initially followed, which has now apparently been changed, doesn’t wash when the procedure itself reeks of a deliberate gag order to ensure Mitchell and Luxon could feign ignorance. This isn’t oversight; it’s a calculated cover-up, particularly when it comes to trying to protect the Prime Minister, who has largely escaped any proper questioning about the sordid matter.

And now, a bombshell: Mark Mitchell’s own sister was the staff member who responded to Ms Z’s allegation email in January 2024, emails that Mitchell had previously claimed were only seen by police staff members in his office, raising serious questions about nepotism and conflict of interest in this so-called “standard procedure” that looks more like an orchestrated coverup by the day.

On Friday, The Post reported:

Mark Mitchell’s electorate office replied to Jevon McSkimming accuser’s emails

But The Post can reveal that nearly half of those emails — 17 of the 36 — were sent not to his Beehive office but to Mitchell’s Whangaparāoa electorate office throughout January and February 2024.

The graphic messages, sent anonymously, came from Ms Z, a young, former police employee who had been in an extra-marital relationship with McSkimming.

At least one of those emails received a reply from Parliamentary Senior Member Support staffer Lisa Mitchell - the minister’s sister.

Luxon’s “incredibly disappointed” response also rings hollow when his office sat on the emails for months. If opposition leaders received similar tip-offs about a high ranking Police Officer's alleged criminality, and remained silent, there would be hell to pay. The contradiction of coverage and accountability is incredibly stark: the mainstream media, from TVNZ to the Herald, has barely grilled Luxon on this major scandal, preferring to let him sidestep the issue and choose his own talking points.

Contrast this with the relentless scrutiny of Labour MPs when they go for a bike ride or forget to log a meeting. Right-wing scandals get a free pass, while left-wing missteps are flogged to death until there's resignations. Where’s the exposé demanding Luxon and Mitchell's heads? Where's the in-depth analysis highlighting the lies they initially told when claiming ignorance? The silence is deafening, suggesting a media more aligned with power rather than the principles required to keep our politicians honest.

The National Party’s claim of ignorance crumbles under any scrutiny. Mitchell’s admission that police headquarters meddled with his inbox implies someone knew enough to orchestrate a blackout. But that excuse crumbles with the admission that his own sister was privy to the allegations made about McSkimming's sexual offending.

Why didn’t Mitchell and Luxon initiate an investigation after the emails landed, emails they obviously were informed about? The delay smacks of their complicity in the coverup, especially when the IPCA’s findings suggests an orchestrated attempt by Crown Law to try and keep the complainant silent.

The public deserves answers, not more platitudes or excuses, excuses about yet another coverup that only emboldens sexual deviants like Jevon McSkimming and Luxon's former press secretary, Michael Forbes.

This scandal isn’t just about McSkimming’s alleged crimes; it’s a litmus test for the National Party’s integrity. While families struggle to meet the cost of living, the government is preoccupied with trying to shield itself from any fallout over McSkimming's deviancy. They are using the same playbook as the Forbes scandal, ignorance so profound that it should preclude them from standing for office again.

But the main problem is a complete lack of any proper demand by mainstream media or a concerted effort by officials for accountability, coupled with the double standard in scandal coverage, which undermines democracy itself. Another unfortunate failure of the fourth estate to keep our right-wing politicians honest.

IPCA McSkimming Report Exposes another Police Cover-Up

In the dim corridors of power, where accountability is meant to be the bedrock of justice, a festering wound has been uncovered. The Independent Police Conduct Authority's (IPCA) 135-page report, released on 11 November 2025 after a protracted battle against suppression orders, lays bare the "significant failings" and "serious misconduct" at the highest echelons of the New Zealand Police.

This is no isolated lapse; it is the latest chapter in a grim saga of institutional protectionism that has shielded predators while revictimising the vulnerable. At its core lies the complainant, known only as Ms Z, whose desperate pleas for justice against a sexual predator and former Deputy Commissioner, Jevon McSkimming, were not just ignored but weaponised against her.

 

On Wednesday, 1 News reported:

Timeline: How the Jevon McSkimming scandal unfolded over nine years

A Facebook post in 2018. A LinkedIn one in 2023. 105 in 2024. Complaints against Jevon McSkimming surfaced for years but were never properly investigated. 1News traces the timeline of how police failed to act on allegations against one of their own, based on an explosive IPCA report.

The establishment's concerted effort to bury this scandal, through delayed investigations, manipulated protocols, and prosecutorial overreach, demands accountability. The fight to unearth the truth was itself a Herculean struggle. Ms Z's allegations, spanning years of emails and social media posts, documented sexual assaults, threats involving intimate recordings, and misuse of police resources to groom a junior employee, were largely ignored by authorities.

Suppression orders gagged the media and the IPCA, ostensibly to safeguard McSkimming's reputation as he vied for Police Commissioner. RNZ, NZME, and the IPCA opposed these in Wellington District Court, arguing public interest trumped the accused's career ambitions. Only on the report's release day did the veil lift, revealing how senior officers sought to narrow the IPCA probe's scope and timeline to spare McSkimming's promotion bid. This was no oversight; it was a deliberate cover-up, echoing the "culture of scepticism" Dame Margaret Bazley decried in her 2007 inquiry into police sexual misconduct.

Ms Z's ordeal perpetrated by a repeat offender exemplifies this rot. From 2018, she sent police hundreds of communications, emails to McSkimming's work address, anonymous posts, and 105 hotline reports, alleging rape, blackmail, and exploitation. But rather than probe these serious allegations, police dismissed her as a "fixated threat," charging her under the Harmful Digital Communications Act (HDCA) in May 2024.


On Thursday, The NZ Herald reported:

Jevon McSkimming case: Police defend decision to prosecute Ms Z over alleged abusive emails to the detective who arrested her

Senior police are defending the decision to prosecute the woman at the centre of the Jevon McSkimming scandal for emails she allegedly sent to the detective who arrested her and his wife.

This is despite Police Commissioner Richard Chambers apologising to the woman for how the previous police leadership mishandled her original sex allegations against the former deputy commissioner.

Earlier this week, the Herald revealed that instead of investigating whether the sex claims could be corroborated or not, the anonymous emails were used as evidence to prosecute her for a harassment campaign against McSkimming.

She was arrested and charged under the Harmful Digital Communications Act in May 2024, placed under restrictive bail conditions and silenced by wide-ranging suppression orders.

Crown Law even gave the victim an ultimatum. Discharge without conviction only if she recanted her claims against McSkimming, despite no investigation being undertaken into the alleged crimes at the time. This coercive bargain, tying absolution to false confession, reeks of abuse of process, undermining fair trial rights and natural justice. The charge was withdrawn in September 2025, not from ethical awakening, but because McSkimming balked at testifying.

However, another HDCA case still lingers against Ms Z for sending 10 emails to the detective in charge of her investigation, a vindictive pursuit that Police Commissioner Richard Chambers must halt forthwith. This isn't justice; it is revictimisation, a perversion of the law meant to shield the vulnerable.

Worse, the coverup extended to the Beehive. Police Minister Mark Mitchell's office fielded 36 such emails since December 2023; Prime Minister Christopher Luxon received 10 more in late 2023 and early 2024. Mitchell now claims that then-Commissioner Andrew Coster directed seconded police staff to forward these complaint emails to headquarters, discuss them with no one, including ministers. But is this true?

The IPCA report doesn't explicitly confirm such an instruction. The claim rests on a police memo reviewed by media and Mitchell's own statements. No secondee has publicly corroborated it. No verbatim directive has surfaced. Given the pattern of police secrecy, it may well be accurate, but without independent verification, we must treat the National Minister's claims with scepticism. Regardless, the emails were supposedly not properly escalated, and the No Surprises protocol was once again breached without consequence.

Mitchell claims ignorance until November 2024; Luxon cites "normal" triage. This strains credulity. With explicit subject lines such as "A complaint regarding McSkimming", we are meant to believe that no junior staffer, political advisor, or secondee felt obliged to flag them as important enough to bring to the Ministers attention? The No Surprises doctrine, enshrined in the Cabinet Manual, demands escalation for "matters of significance," especially scandals imperilling public trust. But here we have a government that ignores their directives, particularly when it is politically beneficial.

These emails were clearly not spam; they were screams for help from a systemically silenced young woman who had been abused by a man in a position of power the system was desperately trying to protect. The apparent protocol breach here, as in Mitchell's office, protected McSkimming, at the victim's expense, as well as those who should have acted in her best interests, namely those elected to represent the general public.

This pattern of secrecy is depressingly familiar. Recall the sexual deviant Michael Forbes, Luxon's former press secretary, whose 2024 filming of woman in private places and recording of prostitutes prompted police alerts to executives (including McSkimming) yet there was supposedly no ministerial knowledge until the media reported on details of his serious offending. Ministers feigned ignorance, police helped Forbes clean his devices and dithered on prosecution despite substantial evidence, mirroring the McSkimming inertia. Both cases reek of the old boys club and political insulation, where "no surprises" means keeping things hush hush so there's no inconvenient truths for the top echelon.

Former Police Commissioner Andrew Coster, who failed to disclose McSkimming's affair during his 2023 vetting process was clearly incorrectly appointed. He improperly pressured a rushed "quasi-investigation" to clear promotion paths for McSkimming, and lobbied the IPCA for premature closure of their investigation. Now on leave from the Social Investment Agency, he must be dismissed outright, no cushy payouts for one who subverted justice and the police's integrity. Not to mention his deputy commissioner Tania Kura, who dismissed the claims about McSkimming's impropriety as mere office gossip. 

Deeper still, buried beneath layers of institutional denial and public outrage, lies a profoundly historic plague of police-perpetrated sexual violence that has scarred New Zealand's law enforcement for generations. The infamous Louise Nicholas saga stands as a harrowing centerpiece: in the 1980s, she endured repeated rapes at the hands of serving officers Clint Rickards, Brad Shipton, and Bob Schollum, crimes that were systematically covered up for decades through a web of complicity, intimidation, and fabricated alibis among colleagues. This long-suppressed scandal eventually erupted into the public eye, triggering the damning 2007 Bazley inquiry, which laid bare "systemic flaws" in police handling of complaints and a deeply entrenched "culture of scepticism" that routinely dismissed and discredited victims, prioritizing the protection of officers over justice.

More recently, the 2022 conviction of Whangārei officer Jamie Foster, who was jailed for six years and nine months for raping a vulnerable female colleague in a secluded Northland motel room, serves as a stark reminder of the persistent “bad apples” rotting within the New Zealand Police. The victim, a fellow constable seeking safety after a work event, endured a “gross breach of trust” (as Judge Greg Davis ruled), yet the case exposed institutional failures: delayed suspension, a flawed internal probe, and a defence plea for home detention that echoed past leniency toward officers. Despite IPCA oversight and reform pledges, such abuses continue to fester, underscoring how judicial reluctance and police self-protection still shield predators and silence victims.

After McSkimming was found to have been accessing child and bestiality pornography on his work computers, the NZ Police were forced to conduct a wider investigation, but have been silent on how many other officers have been found to be exploiting vulnerabilities in internal systems to view objectionable material. The discovery of McSkimming's sexual deviancy, which emerged during Operation Jefferson, a probe into Ms Z's allegations of his sexual misconduct, uncovered thousands of pornographic searches on his police-issued iPhone, including 68 images of child sexual exploitation and 812 of adult bestiality material, spanning at least five years.

This led to an internal review of internet access controls, which revealed systemic weaknesses: unmanaged devices, limited monitoring, and the potential for staff to bypass filters and "exploit vulnerabilities to access inappropriate content." Documents from the review, obtained by RNZ, highlighted "urgent need" for policy changes, yet as of November 2025, Police Commissioner Richard Chambers has not disclosed exactly how many other officers the audit has implicated or if it has resulted in further disciplinary actions beyond McSkimming's admission of guilt and resignation. The opacity raises troubling questions about the extent of a wider culture of impunity within the force, where senior leaders' devices go unscrutinised until scandal forces accountability, potentially shielding numerous Officers at the expense of public trust.

Speaking of public trust, we cannot ignore the case of disgraced ex-ACT chair Tim Jago, who evaded charges for 1990s assaults on teen boys until a 2024 conviction, specifically delayed by the courts in 2023 until after the election to avoid political fallout for David Seymour and the ACT Party. Police's initial inaction also suggested political deference over justice. These are not anomalies; they signal entrenched corruption within our justice system, and give rise to a culture of indifference to sexual assault and a blame the victim mentality. Is it any wonder that many victims simply don't come forward?

This type of institutional corruption ensures most sexual assault victims, disproportionately women and Māori, find no justice. Only 9% of sexual assault offences are reported; of those, a mere 31% reach prosecution, with 42% convicting, yielding an under 5% rate for overall imprisonment for sexual assault. In New Zealand, lifetime prevalence of being a rape victim hits 23% for adults, yet systemic bias, doubting "desperate" complainants like Ms Z, still perpetuates impunity, and fosters an increased prevalence of offending.

How many more scandals simmer unseen? The IPCA's call for an Inspector-General is a good first step, but insufficient to clear the deep rot within the force. A widespread investigation and purge is imperative: mandatory reporting, independent probes, and leadership clean-outs to remove the old boys club mentality are clearly required.

Ms Z's bravery, commended by survivors like Louise Nicholas, has forced somewhat of a reckoning. But until the establishment prioritises victims over vested interests within the police and government, trust in our so-called guardians will erode even further.

The Numerous Bad Takes About Tom Phillips' Death

The death of Tom Phillips, shot by police in a violent confrontation on 8 September 2025 in rural Waikato, is a heartbreaking chapter in a saga that has gripped Aotearoa for nearly four years.

Phillips, a fugitive father who vanished with his three children in 2021, met a tragic end after a shootout that also left one police officer critically injured. The loss of life, the trauma inflicted on Phillips’ children, and the pain endured by their whānau is nothing short of devastating.


Yesterday, RNZ reported:

 

Questions about the Marokopa children as Tom Phillips killed after four-year search 

 

The police shooting of a man after a burglary in Waitomo on Monday morning brings to an end one of the most unsettling incidents in recent New Zealand history: the disappearance of Tom Phillips and his three children from remote Marokopa.

For nearly four years Phillips lived in hiding, slipping in and out of sight across remote farmland and bush, while his children - Jayda, Maverick, and Ember - grew up in isolation from their friends, their family and community.

Their mother, Cat, described it as a living nightmare.

"They are who I am, and since they've been gone, I've lost my way. I'm not me. I'm lost. I'm lost without them."

 

Unfortunately, in the wake of this tragedy, a chorus of “cookers” and self-styled commentators have flooded the discourse with wild theories and baseless claims, showing a callous disregard for the families and children at the heart of this ordeal.

Among the most egregious voices is Cameron Slater, a blogger notorious for his inflammatory and false rhetoric. Slater has peddled the absurd notion that police deliberately laid a trap for Phillips, intent on gunning him down, ignoring the fact that only one police officer was initially involved. 

Slater's claims aren't only baseless but reek of the conspiratorial paranoia that has long defined his scribbling. But what makes these false claims even more telling is Slater's past posts, where he's defended the police shooting of Māori men, even in cases where the victims were unarmed, framing such incidents as necessary for public safety.

Cameron Slaters' selective outrage, cheerleading lethal force against Māori while crying foul over Phillips' death, exposes a hypocritical streak that undermines any shred of credibility the right wing propagandist once had.

The suggestion that police orchestrated a fatal ambush ignores the reality shown in the released photos: Phillips, armed with a rifle, shot a lone police officer in the head at close range, forcing the police officer to respond.

At time of writing, it appears that Phillips attempted to murder a police officer in a bid to escape and continue to hide in the bush with his three children, all of whom will be significantly traumatised by their ordeal. If Phillips' actions don't justify the Family Courts' initial decision to provide custody of the children to their mother, Catherine, I don't know what will.

Equally reckless is Martyn “Bomber” Bradbury, whose commentary on Twitter and The Daily Blog has veered into the absurd. Bradbury argues that the police were unjustified in returning fire, even after Phillips critically wounded an officer. This is lazy blogging at best, if not downright delusional.



On Monday, The Daily Blog posted:

 

The predictability of shooting Tom Phillips and the whitewash that will follow

The sad predictability of the shooting of Tom Phillips like a dog in front of his own child should surprise no one.

This Blog has predicted this very outcome for several years now.

The only blessing is the Police managed to not shoot the remaining children.

The current scramble by the cops in getting their story straight is helped by Journalists who never ask the hard questions.

We don’t even know how many shots were actually fired.

Bomber's claims defy logic. A man who appears to have initiated a shootout, endangering lives, including the lives of his children, cannot reasonably be painted as a victim. Bradbury’s fixation on the number of shots fired, demanding precise details as if they unlock some grand conspiracy, details that won't be available until forensics are completed, is particularly nonsensical. Such speculation fuels mistrust without evidence, distracting from the gravity of the incident and the trauma of those involved.

The media, too, has not escaped the trap of sensationalising this tragedy. Reports claiming Phillips “riddled” a police vehicle with bullets have been published by Stuff, yet only four bullet holes were found in the vehicle (five according to The Herald). The description of a “high-powered rifle” has also been reported, despite no specific details on the weapon’s model or calibre being released by police.


Yesterday, Stuff reported:

What the images tell us about Tom Phillips’ last moments

A police car riddled with bullets sits in the middle of a rural road, surrounded by bush.

Its driver and right passenger doors are wide open, the boot lifted. At least four bullets have pierced the front window.

Tom Phillip’s body lies on the tarseal of Te Anga Rd just metres away.

His quad bike is pulled to the side of the road, nestled against the bush. It’s loaded with what looks like buckets and supplies.

This sloppy reporting inflates the narrative, painting a picture of a one-sided gunfight that obscures the chaotic reality of the encounter. It's likely that the police officer, who is still in hospital for ongoing treatment, was shot before trying to retrieve his gun from the boot of his vehicle. That's the story the photos tell. The initial lone confrontation and critical injuries categorically show that this wasn't a police trap to gun down a fugitive.

Embellishments about Phillips' weapons or the police intending to shoot Phillips dead are clearly not required, and do a disservice to the public and, more critically, to the families grappling with the aftermath. Phillips’ children, now aged 9, 10, and 12, have endured years of isolation and uncertainty, only to lose their father in a violent clash, a tragic ending that the eldest child likely witnessed.

Their mother has spoken of her relief at their safe recovery but also her profound sadness. The whānau, already burdened by years of public scrutiny, deserve space to heal, not a barrage of conspiracy theories and exaggerated headlines. The officer’s family, too, faces an agonising wait as he undergoes multiple surgeries.

This tragedy underscores a broader failure: a society quick to sensationalise rather than reflect. The cookers, bloggers, and media outlets peddling half-truths and wild claims are exploiting other people's tragic events for clicks. Aotearoa deserves better...a discourse grounded in facts, empathy, and respect for those whose lives have been irrevocably altered.

The Persistent Stain of Sexism Within the NZ Police Force

The New Zealand Police have long prided themselves on being a cornerstone of community trust, tasked with upholding law and order with impartiality. Yet, recent allegations of a pervasive "boys' club" culture within the Northland detective ranks expose a troubling undercurrent of sexism that undermines this mission. Senior police manager Bridget Louise Doell, with three decades of service, has laid bare a toxic workplace marked by gossip, exclusion, and bullying during an Employment Relations Authority hearing in Whangārei. Her claims of being sidelined by a predominantly male detective team reveal a systemic issue that not only harms individuals but also cripples the operational efficacy of the police force.


Today, RNZ reported:

Senior police manager alleges 'boys' club' culture among Northland detectives

A senior police manager alleges she was met with swirling gossip, private group chats and a pervasive "boys' club" culture when she stepped into a leadership role overseeing the predominantly male detective team in Northland.

The allegations now form the basis of an Employment Relations Authority (ERA) hearing in Whangārei this week.

Bridget Louise Doell, a senior police officer with three decades of experience, was seconded to the crime area manager role in 2020, overseeing senior detectives in the criminal investigation branch (CIB) at Whangārei police station.

The role involves operational oversight of inspectors, but Doell's evidence has been that the transition was met with resistance.

Over the next three years, she claims she was sidelined by detectives, describing a toxic workplace culture marked by gossip, exclusion from key decisions, and repeated allegations of bullying.

Doell’s experience is not an isolated incident. A 2021 Independent Police Conduct Authority (IPCA) report found that a quarter of police staff had faced abuse, bullying, or harassment, with sexism and a "boys' club" culture identified as significant drivers. The report highlighted shocking examples: female officers being demeaned as "the girls" or assigned menial tasks, and one case where a topless photo of a female officer was circulated without consent. These behaviours, often dismissed as "banter," foster an environment where women are marginalised, their contributions undervalued, and their authority undermined. Such a culture erodes morale and deters capable women from pursuing leadership roles, weakening the force’s diversity and perspective.

The operational impact of this sexism is profound. Effective policing relies on trust, both within the force and with the public. When female officers like Doell are excluded from key decisions or face resistance from subordinates, as she alleged when detective inspectors bypassed her to meet with the Crown Solicitor, it disrupts the chain of command. This undermines case management, delays justice, and risks errors in investigations. The 2021 IPCA report noted instances where bullying officers failed to provide backup to colleagues in the field, a direct threat to operational safety. If officers cannot rely on their team due to discriminatory attitudes, the ability to respond to emergencies or complex investigations is compromised.

Historical cases further illustrate the depth of the problem. The 2007 Commission of Inquiry into Police Conduct, sparked by Louise Nicholas’s allegations of sexual violence by officers, exposed a culture of cover-ups and misogyny. Despite promises of reform, the persistence of similar issues nearly two decades later suggests a failure to address root causes. In 2014, a police unit faced scrutiny after two staff were suspended for sending lewd footage to a colleague, alongside bullying allegations. These incidents reflect a pattern where sexist behaviour is not just tolerated but normalised, eroding public confidence in the police’s ability to handle sensitive cases, particularly those involving gender-based violence.


Last year, RNZ reported:

Female police officer harassed by senior, investigation flawed - IPCA

A senior police officer sexually harassed a female officer, but an internal investigation process was flawed, the independent police conduct authority has concluded.

The woman officer complained to police at the end of a two-month secondment where she was in the senior officer's section under his supervision, prompting an internal police investigation as well as an investigation by the independent police conduct authority (IPCA).

She said the senior officer - labelled as Officer A in the IPCA report - had frequently made inappropriate comments towards her, including some that were sexual. And that this had increased to the point she was concerned his behaviour could become physical and felt unsafe working with him, the IPCA said in a summary report.

In 2021, Star News reported:

 

'Boys club': Sexism, bullying, nepotism highlighted in review of police culture

Nepotism, cronyism and gaslighting have contributed to pockets of toxic culture in the New Zealand police, a new report into bullying and abuse has found.

Despite issuing scathing criticisms and outlining stories of abuse and harassment, the Independent Police Conduct Authority said recent police reforms show promise.

Two interviewees said when they were out in the field and radioed for immediate backup because they were at risk, bully officers failed to provide back-up.

"The interviewees subsequently verified that these other officers had been in radio contact and not involved in any other urgent job," the IPCA added.

In 2017, Stuff reported:

Lynley Tulloch: Police standards, sexism and social sadism

This programme of reform in 2007 was intended to shape the future direction of the police service. The report stated that police misconduct must be "dealt with professionally, expeditiously, and in a manner that gives both complainants and the general public no reason for concern".

Just this year another report was released documenting the police response to this Commission of Inquiry. Commissioner Mike Bush acknowledged that police deserved scrutiny over their behaviour. He said that there had been a lot of work done in attitudinal change in police culture over the past 10 years.

Clearly nothing, despite a number of investigations and reports, has really improved. The cost of this culture extends beyond internal dysfunction. Public trust is the bedrock of effective policing, yet how can victims of sexual assault or domestic violence have faith in a force that struggles to confront its own biases? The IPCA has acknowledged progress under Police Commissioner Andy Coster, with action plans to address toxic behaviours. However, the recurrence of these issues in Northland suggests that reforms are either superficial or inconsistently applied. Without rigorous, transparent processes to root out sexism, the police risk perpetuating a cycle of distrust that directly creates inefficiency.

To restore faith, the New Zealand Police must prioritise systemic change. This means not only disciplining offenders but also dismantling the structures that enable a "boys' club" mentality. Leadership must model inclusivity, and recruitment and promotion processes should actively counter bias. Even though the Police are desperate for new recruits, the operational stakes are too high for half-measures. A police force that fails to respect its own cannot hope to protect and serve the public with integrity. Until sexism is confronted head-on, the stain on the force’s reputation, and its inability to deliver justice, will only worsen.

Police Failed to Properly Investigate Michael Forbes

The recent revelations about the right-wing sicko Michael Forbes, former press secretary to Chris Luxon, expose a troubling failure by the New Zealand Police to properly investigate allegations of predatory behaviour. Reports confirm that police seized Forbes’ work and personal phones while probing complaints, including allegations of non-consensual audio recordings of sessions with Wellington sex workers and voyeuristic photography of numerous women in public and private spaces.

Police did not however check Forbes’ computers, which is where he would be storing his peeping-tom photos and recordings. The investigation appears to have not been thorough, leaving victims uninformed and an abuser without any real punishment. This isn’t just a procedural misstep, it’s a betrayal of public trust and a stark reminder of how the system often fails those it’s meant to protect, particularly when men in places of power are involved.

Today, RNZ reported:

 

Police seized work and personal phones of press secretary Michael Forbes while investigating complaints

In a statement to RNZ on Thursday evening, Wellington District Manager Criminal Investigations Detective Inspector John Van Den Heuvel said that, "on examining the phones, Police also found a number of photos and video of women in public spaces, and what appears to be women in private addresses, taken from a distance away.

"Police considered the available evidence and concluded it did not meet the requirements for criminality, and therefore charges could not be filed.

"The individual concerned voluntarily spoke with Police and admitted to taking the images and recordings. He was reminded of the inappropriateness of his behaviour and encouraged to seek help."

Forbes also deleted the images in the presence of Police.

 

Forbes recorded sex workers without consent and was caught by a suspicious madam last year. Under New Zealand law, specifically the Crimes Act 1961, non-consensual recording in private settings falls under section 216H, which prohibits people making intimate visual recordings without consent, carrying a potential penalty of up to three years’ imprisonment.

If Forbes’ alleged photography involved capturing someone in a private act without their consent, it could also breach this section.

216G Intimate visual recording defined

(1) In sections 216H to 216N, intimate visual recording means a visual recording (for example, a photograph, videotape, or digital image) that is made in any medium using any device without the knowledge or consent of the person who is the subject of the recording, and the recording is of—

(a) a person who is in a place which, in the circumstances, would reasonably be expected to provide privacy, and that person is—

(i) naked or has his or her genitals, pubic area, buttocks, or female breasts exposed, partially exposed, or clad solely in undergarments; or
(ii) engaged in an intimate sexual activity; or
(iii) engaged in showering, toileting, or other personal bodily activity that involves dressing or undressing; or

(b) a person’s naked or undergarment-clad genitals, pubic area, buttocks, or female breasts which is made—

(i) from beneath or under a person’s clothing; or
(ii) through a person’s outer clothing in circumstances where it is unreasonable to do so.

It doesn't matter, as the Police have argued, that Forbes was in a public place while taking some of these intimate photographs. People clearly should expect to have privacy in their own homes and workplaces.

Additionally, section 126 of the Crimes Act addresses voyeurism, criminalising observation of private acts with intent to derive sexual gratification, with a maximum penalty of two years. 

Based on the reported behaviour, there’s a clear case for prosecution under these provisions. However, the police’s inaction suggests a troubling reluctance to pursue a high-profile figure. Worse yet, the Police have apparently allowed Forbes to delete evidence (which is technically recoverable), without properly ascertaining the severity of his offending.

Today, 1 News reported:

Police searched phones of former press secretary after complaint

Police have revealed the details of their investigation into a former media advisor for the Prime Minister who was accused of taking covert recordings of sex workers.

In the fresh disclosures, police said officers seized two phones and examined them before allowing the owner to delete the contents.

Today, police said any new information regarding the "serious" and "concerning" alleged behaviour of the press secretary working in the Prime Minister's Office would be "thoroughly considered".

Luxon's acting deputy chief press secretary, Michael Forbes, resigned yesterday after allegations emerged that he made non-consensual audio recordings of sessions with Wellington sex workers last July.

It was also alleged that the former journalist had images on his phone of women exercising at a gym, shopping, and of women getting dressed filmed through a window.

The police’s failure to notify the women whose privacy was violated is particularly egregious. Victims have a right to know when their personal boundaries have been breached, especially in cases involving intimate recordings. The Privacy Act 1993 mandates that individuals be informed of breaches that could cause harm, and the Victims’ Rights Act 2002 requires police to treat victims with respect and keep them updated.

By failing to inform the women involved, police have denied them agency, closure, and the opportunity to seek support or pursue civil remedies. This omission reeks of prioritising optics over justice, especially given Forbes’ proximity to power. The police’s failures undermine accountability and fuels suspicion of a cover-up.

The New Zealand Police executive’s apparent failure to inform Ministerial Services or the appropriate Ministers, including Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, Police Minister Mark Mitchell and Corrections Minister Louise Upston, about the complaint against Michael Forbes is a flagrant breach of the ‘No Surprises’ convention, which mandates that departments promptly brief Ministers on matters of significance, especially those likely to spark public controversy.

The Prime Minister has claimed that he wasn't aware of the allegations against Michael Forbes until contacted by Stuff on June 3, 2025.  If true, this is particularly outrageous given Forbes’ previous role as press secretary to Prime Minister Luxon, making it unthinkable that such a sensitive investigation, involving non-consensual recordings and voyeurism, wouldn’t be flagged earlier.

Current Police Commissioner Richard Chambers has conveniently sidestepped responsibility, claiming he wasn’t in charge at the time, effectively dumping the blame on his predecessor, Andrew Coster, who is also claiming no knowledge until recently of the police investigation into Forbes. This finger-pointing does nothing to restore public trust, instead exposing a shameful lack of accountability within the police executive itself.

If Coster or Deputy Commissioner Jevon McSkimming, who resigned as the country's second most powerful cop last Monday amid a four-month investigation by the IPCA and police, knew and failed to act, it’s a scandal; if they didn’t, it’s a gross failure of oversight that also demands further investigation.

Somebody should tell the @nzpolice that gyms in New Zealand (private or council-run) aren't public spaces due to restricted access via memberships fees. #nzpol

'I’m sitting in the same gym this guy’s been taking photos of girls in.'https://t.co/OmsqR5emwk

— Jackal (@Jackalblog) June 6, 2025

If the Police did inform National Ministers, as is more likely the case, and they chose to try and cover up Michael Forbes’ improprieties in the hope that the public wouldn’t find out, it’s an even bigger scandal, one that has the potential to bring down the corrupt government. Either way, the police have left victims uninformed and the public questioning whether the system prioritises the rights of creeps like Forbes over the rights of victims.

This case demands further action. The police must prioritise investigating Forbes’ apparent criminal behaviour, ensure victims are informed and supported, and provide a public explanation for their operational failures and delays. Anything less erodes trust in the system and leaves vulnerable people without closure and open to further abuse.

Michael Forbes’ Sex Worker Exploitation Shames Government

In a shocking revelation, the National Party's deputy chief press secretary to Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has resigned amidst allegations of recording sex workers without their consent. According to numerous reports, Michael Forbes allegedly amassed a large number of audio recordings and photographs of women in compromising situations, including sex workers, women at the gym, and even those changing in private spaces.

Police apparently investigated after a Wellington brothel raised concerns in July last year, though they deemed it below the threshold for criminal prosecution, perhaps a result of the offender’s position of power and associations rather than any limitation of the law. However, this sordid scandal exposes not just questions about individual moral bankruptcy, or who knew what and when and why the police failed to act expediently, but a broader systemic political failure under a clearly misogynistic right-wing government.
 

Yesterday, RNZ reported:

Prime Minister's deputy chief press secretary Michael Forbes resigns after reportedly recording sex workers without consent

The Prime Minister's deputy chief press secretary has resigned after allegedly recording audio of sessions with Wellington sex workers and taking intimate photos of women in public.

A Stuff investigation reported that Michael Forbes, a former journalist, allegedly recorded audio of multiple sessions with Wellington sex workers, and amassed a gallery of women working out at the gym, shopping, and being filmed through a window getting ready to go out.

A Wellington sex worker told Stuff she realised while Forbes was in the shower that his phone's voice recorder was allegedly activated back in July 2024.

She told the outlet she and other sex workers working that night asked Forbes for his phone PIN code and they went through his phone. They claim to have found multiple audio recordings of sessions with sex workers, albums full of photos of women, and videos of women getting ready to go out, filmed through a window at night.

Let’s cut through the spin: New Zealand’s Prostitution Reform Act 2003 decriminalised sex work to protect workers’ rights and safety, a world-leading move championed by the likes of the New Zealand Prostitutes’ Collective. Yet, under this government’s austerity-driven agenda, we’re seeing a grim reality unfold. Savage cuts to welfare, housing support, and health services, coupled with a cost-of-living crisis, are ensuring young women, particularly Māori and Pasifika, are being forced into desperate work they wouldn’t normally undertake.

The data is stark: Māori women, who make up only 9% of the population, account for 31.7% of those working as prostitutes, often in the riskiest street-based sector. Many enter under the legally required 18-years of age, driven by poverty and a lack of options, not choice.

There is no question that the coalition’s policies are socially destructive, slashing the safety net that keeps young women from falling through the cracks. Rising housing costs, stagnant wages, and gutted social services create a perfect storm where survival for young women often means turning to sex work. The hypocrisy is galling: a government that claims to champion “law and order” employ a press secretary who preys on the very women their policies are endangering.

Christopher Luxon’s recent lament about declining birth rates in New Zealand rings hollow when his government’s policies are fuelling poverty and inequality…conditions that stifle family formation. The Coalition’s austerity measures undermine young people’s ability to build stable relationships, save for a first home, or afford children. Instead, these policies are pushing more young women and men into precarious work, including sex work. Michael Forbes’ reprehensible actions represent a vile abuse of power, mirroring a broader culture of entitlement and entrenched misogyny that flourishes when society devalues its most vulnerable.

Critics of decriminalisation, like Family First, might argue for criminalising certain aspects of sex work, but they miss the point. Don't get me wrong...the oldest profession in the world has benefited from Labour's legalisation. The issue isn’t the legal framework; it’s the economic and social conditions forcing women into prostitution against their will in the first place. Survivors like Sabrinna Valisce have called out the “rosy rhetoric” of decriminalisation, noting how it can mask coercion and exploitation when structural inequalities persist, which is exactly what the National-led government has further ensured with their socially destructive policies.

Michael Forbes, whose scripted apology and sob story shouldn’t be believed, was providing advice to Chris Luxon to apparently “communicate the government’s priorities, milestones and successes to New Zealanders,” while exploiting sex workers that he had a vested interest in controlling, both physically and arguably through the government's legislative changes. His type of abusive mentality is clearly on display throughout the coalition's policy direction, which is designed to keep young women poor and desperate. The government’s refusal to fund robust exiting services for sex workers for instance or address poverty head-on suggests a tacit acceptance of this exploitation, or worse, a conscious effort to ensure young women have no other option.

Let’s not mince words: Chris Luxon’s government is complicit in a system that funnels young women into prostitution, then turns a blind eye when they’re abused and violated. Forbes’ alleged abuse of sex workers is a clear indication that he was advising the PM to further entrench targeted policies that strip away women’s rights. Cuts to social services and women’s refuges aren’t just to save the government money…they’re a manifestation of the right wing’s need to disempower and control women. This isn’t just negligence; it’s a deliberate design to keep young women vulnerable, ripe for exploitation by wealthy men in places of power.

This government’s failure to prioritise economic justice and social support is a betrayal of our most vulnerable, condemning young women to a cycle of desperation and abuse. No right-minded New Zealander should stand for this entrenched system of financial exploitation. It’s time to demand accountability, dismantle the policies that trap women in economic servitude, and build a society that truly values people’s dignity, no matter what type of employment they choose to undertake.

Leaked Memo Reveals Police Ignore Numerous Crimes

The recent leak of a New Zealand Police memo, directing officers to ignore retail crimes below specific value thresholds (general theft under $200, petrol drive-offs under $150, shoplifting under $500, online fraud under $1,000, and all other fraud under $500) has ignited widespread public condemnation, and justifiably so.

Despite many right-wing propagandists calling for their head, the whistleblower who exposed this directive deserves praise for shining a light on a policy that undermines public trust and incorrectly prioritises resource allocation over justice. This isn’t just a bureaucratic misstep; it’s a betrayal of communities and retail outlets already grappling with high crime rates.

Last week, RNZ reported:

Confusion over how police investigate crimes like shoplifting after secret memo

RNZ has seen a directive that was recently sent to staff relating to police's File Management Centre (FMC) titled 'Assignment Changes - Theft and Fraud'.

The directive said that from 26 March the FMC was applying "nationally standardised value thresholds" when assessing theft and fraud files.

The value thresholds are - general theft $200, petrol drive off $150, shoplifting $500, fraud (paywave, online, scam etc) $1000, and all other fraud $500.

"When assessing files with these offences, you will apply the relevant value threshold and file any file under that threshold regardless of any lines of enquiry or IFA score."

The memo clearly instructed police to file away low-value theft cases regardless of investigative leads or solvability scores. Anything Police Commissioner Richard Chambers says after that fact to try and save face is pointless. This approach dismisses victims, particularly private citizens and small business owners, who face growing levels of crime especially since the unchecked cost-of-living crisis has increased crimes of survival.

The New Zealand Crime and Victims Survey (NZCVS) reveals the scale of the issue: 2.47 million crime incidents were reported in a 12-month period, with only about 25% reported to police, likely because victims already know that the police won't bother to attend.

The whistleblower, whoever they may be, didn’t just leak a memo; they exposed a justice system failing those it swore to protect and a government content to let police ignore numerous crimes because they predominantly affect poorer communities, whom they largely view as expendable.

Burglaries (288,000 incidents) and fraud (510,000 incidents) are rampant, yet the memo suggests police are systematically ignoring a large chunk of these. Data from policedata.nz shows that in 2022, only 10-15% of reported thefts led to prosecutions, with many cases closed early due to “resource constraints.” This isn’t policing; it’s selective abandonment.


On Tuesday, 1 News reported:

Top cop says retail crime memo 'confusing and unhelpful'

In a release earlier today, Chambers said the wrong message had been sent to the retail community and the public about police's approach to retail crime.

"I have made retail crime one of the priorities for the police executive and that means increasing the focus on it.

"The memo has been confusing and unhelpful and does not meet my expectations on retail crime or the expectations of the retail community."

He said he had asked for a reminder to be issued to all district commanders that they should continue focusing on apprehending offenders wherever possible and upholding the law regardless of the thresholds set out in the memo.

When the leak hit, Chambers and Police Minister Mark Mitchell scrambled into damage control, calling the memo “confusing and unhelpful” and insisting investigations are triaged, not ignored. Their back-pedaling reeks of disingenuous spin. Chambers claimed the directive wasn’t a “firm rule,” yet the memo’s language was unequivocal, directing staff to sideline cases below certain thresholds regardless of evidence.

Mitchell’s radio appearance on Newstalk ZB to “clarify” the memo felt like a desperate attempt to dodge accountability. Their assurances that police remain committed to “law and order” ring hollow when the New Zealand Crime & Victims Survey shows fraud and deception offences surged from 288,000 to 510,000 in a year, with Māori communities and LGBT+ people disproportionately victimised.

Today, RNZ reported:

Police launch review after controversial retail crime directive

On Friday, a police spokesperson confirmed to RNZ the national value threshold applied to the prioritisation of lower-level theft and fraud offences was being removed.

"A review is being completed on any cases that may have been impacted by those thresholds to assess whether they should be assigned to districts for follow-up," the spokesperson said.

The review will be done by police's data quality team.

"Police want to reassure that cases will continue to be managed locally balancing demand, resources and priorities to ensure the best possible service to victims in those communities."

Why would the national value thresholds applied to lower-level theft and fraud offences need to be removed if it wasn’t a directive in the first place, as Chambers initially claimed?

Despite many on the right pontificating about all leaking being bad, the whistleblower’s actions were justified because they exposed a policy that prioritises cost cutting measures over outcomes. By revealing the truth, they forced a public reckoning, compelling police to confront their own data: victimisations are under-reported, and police attendance is patchy at best.

The minister’s claim that police are “hunting down crime” is laughable when officers are instructed to let low-value theft slide. This isn’t just about the police not having enough resources; it’s about priorities. The public deserves transparency, not excuses from a Minister who is once again trying to sidestep his responsibilities.

Why Hasn’t Nicole McKee Registered Her Firearms?

In a stunning display of hypocrisy, Associate Justice Minister Nicole McKee, who also oversees firearms policy, has admitted she hasn’t registered her own firearms on New Zealand’s Firearms Registry, despite the legal requirement for all licensed firearms owners to do so.

This isn’t just a minor oversight; it’s a slap in the face to the rule of law and public safety. As someone tasked with upholding justice and shaping firearms policy, McKee’s failure to comply with the Arms Act 1983, as amended in 2020, raises serious questions about her suitability for her role and the government’s commitment to accountability.

The Arms Act mandates that all firearms owned by licensed holders must be registered with the Firearms Registry by 2028, with the process already underway since June 2023. Section 94 of the Act clearly requires licence holders to provide details of their firearms to ensure traceability and prevent illegal use. However, McKee, a gun lobbyist with deep ties to the Council of Licensed Firearms Owners (Colfo), has placed herself above the law she’s meant to enforce. Her excuse that she has until 2028 reeks of privilege and undermines the leadership expected of a minister.

In September, RNZ reported:

Firearms Minister Nicole McKee won't rule out trying to bring back banned guns

Cabinet has agreed - but not yet finalised - a law change that would give Nicole McKee the power to propose what guns should or should not be prohibited.

McKee, a former gun lobbyist, said the change was administrative, though she would not rule out trying to liberalise access to high-powered semi-automatics.

The Firearms Registry was introduced after the Christchurch mosque killings to enhance public safety by tracking firearms and ensuring accountability. If McKee can flout this requirement while bringing back the very same semi-automatics that inflicted so much carnage, without consequence, what message does that send to ordinary New Zealanders?

The Police Association has already raised concerns about McKee’s exclusion of police from firearms reform consultations, which along with her rushed review process, suggests a troubling pattern of prioritizing pro-gun interests over public safety. Police Minister Mark Mitchell’s unwavering support for police oversight contrasts sharply with McKee’s apparent disdain for it, creating a dangerous rift in the coalition government’s approach.

#BHN Nicole McKee is adorable that she is so grumpy about the gun registry review not going the way she wanted it to...it's almost like she set it up to give her a response she wanted...rather than the actual findings #nzpol pic.twitter.com/IMYPPDpHC9

— Pat Brittenden (@patbrittenden) May 13, 2025

McKee’s background as a pro-gun lobbyist is the crux of the issue. Her appointment as Associate Justice Minister and Minister for Courts is a clear conflict of interest. Her history with Colfo and her firearms safety business raises doubts about her impartiality, as evidenced by her push to ease regulations for gun clubs and ranges, often at the expense of police oversight.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s insistence that McKee hasn’t breached Cabinet rules does little to quell public distrust when her actions, like comparing gun registries to toaster registries, trivialise serious safety measures. This isn’t just about one minister’s negligence; it’s about a government allowing a pro-gun advocate to steer justice policy while ignoring legal and social obligations.

McKee’s refusal to register her firearms isn’t just a personal failing...it’s a betrayal of public trust and a mockery of the laws designed to keep us safe. Luxon must reconsider whether a minister so entangled with gun lobby interests, who has ignored due process, can credibly serve the interests of the public. If he had a backbone or any common sense, Nicole McKee would be stood down. Anything less will mean a government minister continues to erode the integrity of our justice system.

Why has Hamish Campbell Gone Into Hiding?

National Party MP Hamish Campbell’s ties to the secretive Two By Twos "church" raises serious questions that are not being answered. This shadowy group, currently being investigated by the FBI for numerous cases of child abuse, hides behind a facade of faith while Campbell dodges scrutiny, claiming it’s a “private matter.”

A recent Doc Studios video rips the veil off, featuring former members exposing the sect’s control and disturbing practices that seem designed to protect child molesters. As a member of Parliament, why’s Campbell still cozy with a group linked to such horrendous crimes? His evasive responses scream cover-up, not candor.

Time for answers, Hamish—voters deserve transparency, not political sidestepping from a member of a religious cult that has all the hallmarks of a pedophile ring.

#BHN Our response to the interview with Mike and Abbi from #Our2x2Story on TikTok wondering why those who were "just asking questions" about Benjamin Doyle following bread crumbs, are refusing to ask questions about a cult, that has a large number of convicted MAPS in it, that… pic.twitter.com/T5VSrHSPBA

— Pat Brittenden (@patbrittenden) April 14, 2025

Here's some research on the Two By Twos "church" that is awash with child abusers.
 

Key Points:

• National Party MP Hamish Campbell is associated with the Two By Twos church, which is under FBI investigation for child sexual abuse.
• It seems likely that over 900 alleged perpetrators and numerous victims are linked to the church, with reports spanning decades.
• The evidence leans toward the church's structure, like ministers living in homes, enabling abuse and cover-ups.

Background

Hamish Campbell, MP for Christchurch’s Ilam, has family ties to the Two By Twos, a secretive Christian sect also known as The Truth or The Way. This group is currently under scrutiny by the FBI and New Zealand Police for allegations of child sexual abuse, with reports highlighting a history of systemic failures.

Allegations and Scale

Investigations, such as those by ABC News, suggest over 900 alleged perpetrators have been identified across 30 countries, with victims reported from at least 34 U.S. states. A hotline in Australia and New Zealand received allegations involving about 130 people, and the BBC noted over 700 names reported for abuse.

Church Structure and Abuse

The church’s structure, with ministers living in members' homes and no central authority, seems to facilitate abuse. Reports indicate abusers were often moved to new locations instead of being reported, as seen in cases like Sheri Autrey’s, abused by a minister who was relocated rather than prosecuted.

Detailed Analysis of Hamish Campbell’s Association with the Two By Twos Church

This note provides a comprehensive examination of National Party MP Hamish Campbell’s association with the Two By Twos church, focusing on the church’s allegations of child sexual abuse, the scale of the issue, and how its structure may enable such crimes. The analysis is informed by recent investigations and reports, ensuring a thorough understanding for readers interested in the political and social implications.

Context and Campbell’s Connection

Hamish Campbell, the MP for Christchurch’s Ilam electorate, has publicly acknowledged his association with the Two By Twos, a Christian sect also referred to as The Truth or The Way. According to NZ Herald, Campbell has family ties to the group and has hosted study meetings in his home. He described the church as “a non-denominational Christian group just trying to live the best way possible,” but emphasized he has no personal knowledge of individuals involved in abuse allegations. RNZ News confirmed he was born into the group and still attends meetings when in Christchurch, highlighting a deep personal connection.

The Two By Twos church is currently under investigation by the FBI, New Zealand Police, and Australian authorities for child sexual abuse claims, as noted in ABC News Australia. This investigation, launched in February 2024, follows widespread reports of abuse, prompting concerns about Campbell’s association with a group facing such serious allegations.

Scale of Child Abuse Allegations

The scale of the abuse within the Two By Twos is alarming. San.com reported that survivors have identified allegations against more than 900 different abusers in 30 countries, with the abuse spanning generations. ABC News spoke to dozens of alleged survivors from at least 34 U.S. states, with one victim reporting abuse as early as 1955. In Australia and New Zealand, a hotline received allegations involving about 130 separate people, as per ABC News Australia. Additionally, the BBC noted over 700 names reported to a hotline set up for abuse claims, as seen in BBC News, indicating a global issue.

Specific cases, such as Raymond Zwiefelhofer’s conviction for possessing child sexual abuse material and sentencing to 120 years in prison, underscore the severity, as reported by ABC News. In New Zealand, Newstalk ZB mentioned a former minister admitting to 55 child sex abuse charges over three decades, further highlighting the extent of the problem.

Church Structure and Enabling Abuse

The Two By Twos’ structure appears to facilitate abuse, as detailed in various reports. Ministers, or “workers,” live with congregants, moving between homes, sometimes with just one suitcase, as noted in an ABC News investigation. This practice, combined with no official church buildings and meetings held in homes, creates opportunities for grooming and abuse. The church has no central leader, governed by overseers, which complicates accountability, as seen in CBS News.

Reports suggest a culture of cover-up, with alleged abusers moved to different states or countries instead of being reported, as evidenced by the case of Steve Rohs, who abused Sheri Autrey and was relocated rather than reported and prosecuted, according to ABC News. Former workers like Sara Knauss stated the church “pretended [child abuse] didn’t exist,” and attorney Mitchell Garabedian noted ministers groom families, with parents’ trust misplaced, as seen in the same report. This culture, combined with a disdain for “worldly” authorities like police, as mentioned in NZ Herald, has allowed abuse to go unreported and unpunished.
Table: Summary of Abuse Allegations and Church Practices

Implications for Campbell

Campbell’s association with the Two By Twos, given its history, raises serious questions about his judgment. While he claims no personal knowledge of the abusers, his hosting of meetings and deep family ties, as reported by 1News, suggest a level of involvement that could be seen as complicit. The church’s secretive practices, contrast starkly with Campbell's public role, showing clearly that a politicians’ so-called religious beliefs, particularly if they are involved with a cult like religion exhibiting a disproportionate amount of child abuse cases, shouldn't be hidden from public scrutiny.

As the investigation continues, Campbell faces pressure to clarify his stance. The church’s pledge to cooperate with police, as seen in The Economic Times, may not mitigate the damage to his reputation, especially with over 50 alleged perpetrators reported in New Zealand alone by Brave Truth Australia New Zealand.

Conclusion

The Two By Twos church’s structure, with ministers living in homes and a culture of moving abusers, has enabled a significant abuse scandal, with over 900 alleged perpetrators and numerous victims. Campbell’s association, while familial, places him at the center of a controversy that demands transparency and accountability, especially given his public role.

 

Key Citations:

Secretive Christian sect ignored sexual abuse for decades, congregants allege
National MP Hamish Campbell associated with Two by Twos, a religious sect under investigation by FBI for sexual abuse
National MP part of secretive religious sect
FBI investigating Two by Twos for historical child sexual abuse claims, including in Australia
Child sex abuse allegations emerge against Christian 'Two by Twos' sect
NZ victims of child sexual abuse in Two by Two church want answers amid FBI investigation
Member of secretive Christian sect sentenced to 120 years in prison
BBC confronts man who abused boy in secretive Christian church
My beliefs are a private matter - National MP part of underground sect probed by FBI
Two By Twos: Religious historian unpacks secretive sect
Ilam MP part of underground religious sect
New Zealand religious sect Two by Two accused of child abuse, MP Hamish Campbell admits family link with group
John MacDonald: Do politicians' religious beliefs matter to you?
Hamish Campbell - Wikipedia
FBI probing alleged child sex abuse in little-known Christian sect
Inside the secretive Church With No Name sect that’s under FBI investigation over decades of child sex abuse claims
Disturbing' details emerge about Bay Area religious sect, Two by Twos at center of FBI child sex abuse investigation
FBI investigating Two By Twos (2x2) religious sect operating in Bay Area following alleged child sex abuse