New Zealand's Very Expensive Military Gamble

There is a particular kind of recklessness that masquerades as strategic vision. It does not announce itself as folly. It arrives dressed in the language of security partnerships, capability upgrades, and alliance obligations, and it is precisely this brand of recklessness that now defines the Luxon government's approach to New Zealand's military procurement.

The National-led coalition has committed approximately NZ$2.7 billion to the purchase of five Sikorsky Seahawk helicopters and associated military assets from the United States.

In August 2025, RNZ reported:

Watch: Judith Collins and Winston Peters reveal new $2.7b planes and helicopters

The purchases are the first that were forecast in the Defence Capability Plan unveiled in April, setting out an expected $12b in spending on defence assets over four years, $9b of that being new money.

The plan overall lifts New Zealand's defence spending to more than 2 percent of GDP over the next eight years.

There is a fundamental and largely unexamined question concerning these significant military acquisitions: what precisely does New Zealand receive in return for spending billions of dollars on American hardware, from an administration that has demonstrably withheld already-purchased, already-paid-for weapons from other allied nations the moment it suited Washington's political interests?

The answer, on current evidence, is very little. When the Trump administration ordered a freeze on military transfers, the consequences were not merely theoretical. Weapons already loaded onto trucks in Poland for onward delivery to Ukraine were stood down. Ammunition purchased using funds specifically appropriated by Congress for the purpose was simply not delivered.

Countries that had paid in good faith were left without the equipment they had contracted for and were offered no refund. These were not adversaries. They were partners, customers, and in several cases treaty allies who had done everything Washington asked of them.

New Zealand confirmed through MFAT that it had zero input into the Trump administration's Foreign Arms Sales Task Force priority partner list and did not even know whether it appeared on it. That the directive came with not only incentives but obligations: priority partners were expected to share production costs more substantially. New Zealand was apparently expected to pay more, without being consulted about whether it was considered a priority partner at all.

In April 2025, RNZ reported:

Officials don't know if NZ is on US priority weapons trading partners list

The NZ Defence Force is competing to get arms under its new $12 billion Defence Capability Plan in a world market where military spending is surging.

The NZDF talked with US lawmakers in April about potential opportunities to buy from the US, Official Information Act papers showed.

A foreign arms sales taskforce newly set up by Trump said it sought international input before launching its first six initiatives last month, including new legislation aimed to help lower the barriers that limit the proliferation of high-tech arms.

MFAT said: "New Zealand has not had any input into the taskforce."

 

That situation has since worsened. In February 2026, Trump signed a new executive order formally establishing an America First Arms Transfer Strategy, directing the Secretaries of Defense and State to develop clear priority partner criteria within 90 days and produce a prioritised sales catalogue within 120 days.

The order makes explicit that countries investing more heavily in their own defence and occupying a critical geographic role in US strategic plans will receive preferential treatment.

Despite increasing the military budget to 2% of GDP by 2032/33, as requested by the Trump administration, New Zealand has still received no public confirmation that it appears on that list. 

Official papers meanwhile show that 60 percent of the NZ Defence Force's $6 billion in arms currently on order is sourced from the United States. New Zealand has committed billions to a supplier whose formal priority framework it had no input into, whose criteria it may not meet, and whose list it may not even appear on.

This is the arrangement the Luxon government has chosen to deepen, at a cost of billions of dollars, during a period in which the geopolitical reliability of the United States as a supplier has been placed in serious and documented doubt. The pattern is not obscure. It is structural. American arms transfers have been converted from security commitments into instruments of political leverage, withheld when recipients pursue independent foreign policies, dangled when compliance is required, and apparently non-refundable in either case.

Meanwhile, the broader context in which New Zealand is making these procurement decisions has shifted considerably. The United States and Israel have conducted military operations across at least six countries in the past year, including strikes inside Qatar, a US Major Non-NATO Ally hosting the largest American air base in the region, without Doha's consent and with Qatar notified so late that it had no practical opportunity to prevent the attack.

The lesson for smaller allied nations is stark: allied status under the current Washington-Tel Aviv axis confers no guaranteed protection, and may offer no recourse whatsoever if the political winds change.

Against this backdrop, Winston Peters signed New Zealand's name to a joint statement expressing readiness to contribute to military efforts in the Strait of Hormuz, a strait closed in direct response to an American-led war launched without UN authorisation, and then spent the following week insisting the commitment meant nothing of the sort.

A functioning foreign minister cannot sign a document on a Friday and disclaim its meaning on a Tuesday. The commitment was made when New Zealand's name appeared on the paper.

What the Luxon government has managed, with impressive efficiency, is to spend billions locking New Zealand into military dependency on a supplier that does not consider us a priority, to sign documents attaching us to a war we had no hand in starting, and to do all of this without extracting a single meaningful concession in return. Not a tariff exemption. Not any guarantee of equipment delivery. Not a formal security guarantee. Not even confirmation that our name appears on the correct list.

Deference to Washington, as former Prime Minister Helen Clark and others have noted plainly, is not only distasteful. It is not working. And two and a half billion dollars' worth of helicopters, purchased from a government that views arms transfers as political bargaining chips, does not constitute a defence policy. It constitutes a very expensive gamble on the continued goodwill of an administration that has shown, repeatedly and in writing, that it does not feel especially obligated to honour its side of the arrangement.

New Zealand deserves better than that. It is not clear that this government has even noticed.

National is Trying to Steal the Election

Democracy in New Zealand, as in many nations, was hard-won through struggle, sacrifice, and relentless advocacy. From the suffragists of the 1890s, who fought tirelessly for women’s right to vote, to Māori activists who challenged colonial exclusion to secure representation, the journey to universal suffrage was marked by petitions, protests, and unwavering resolve. The 1893 Electoral Act, granting women the vote, was a world-first, but it followed decades of campaigning by figures like Kate Sheppard, who galvanised thousands to demand change.

Māori, denied equal voting rights under early colonial systems, faced even greater barriers, with the Māori seats, established in 1867, emerging only after fierce resistance to land confiscation and marginalisation. These hard-fought victories remind us of the saying, “The vote is a right, not a privilege, and it must be guarded fiercely.” Yet, as we face the National-led coalition’s electoral reforms ahead of the 2026 election, that right is under increasing threat, with changes that could disenfranchise hundreds of thousands from participating in democracy.

The National-led coalition government has introduced electoral law changes that appear designed to undermine our democratic process. The Electoral Amendment Bill, currently under scrutiny, ends same-day voter enrolment, a practice that has allowed New Zealanders to register and vote on election day or during advance voting since 1993. Justice Minister Paul Goldsmith claims this addresses delays in vote counting, pointing to the three weeks it took to finalise the 2023 election results. But this justification holds little water. Electoral officials have noted that coalition negotiations, not vote counting, caused the bulk of delays before the coalition of chaos government could be formed.
 

On Monday, Newsroom reported:

 

Attorney-General rules her own Govt’s voting crackdown breaches human rights

Electoral law restrictions announced last week are in breach of the Bill of Rights Act, Attorney-General Judith Collins KC says in a report belatedly disclosed to Parliament.

She indicates more than 100,000 people may be directly or indirectly disenfranchised by rules banning enrolment in the final 13 days before an elections. Young people, and areas with larger Māori, Asian and Pasifika communities, are likely to be worst affected.

Denying voters the political franchise is a heavy price to pay, she says, when there are alternative, less restrictive measures that could have addressed the same problem of speeding up the vote count.

However, the impact of scrapping same-day enrolment could be even more profound. In 2023, an estimated 300,000 to 350,000 special votes were cast by those who enrolled late or needed to update their details. These voters are disproportionately young, Māori, Asian, and Pasifika...groups that tend to support Labour, the Greens, and Te Pāti Māori. By closing enrolment 12 days before election day, the coalition of chaos has deliberately tried to lock these voters out, a move that even Judith Collins in her role as Attorney-General has warned may breach human rights law and disproportionately affect Māori communities.

But that's not all. Reports have surfaced of numerous individuals being inexplicably removed from the Māori electoral roll, prompting Te Pāti Māori to launch court proceedings to challenge what they see as systemic voter suppression. This follows the coalition’s reversal of Labour’s 2022 reforms, which allowed Māori to switch between the Māori and general rolls outside pre-election periods. These changes threaten to alienate Māori voters, who already contend with longer wait times at polling booths and limited access in remote areas. Te Pāti Māori’s legal action reflects a broader fear that the government is targeting Māori political power, especially after their strong 2023 performance, securing six electorate seats.


Yesterday, RNZ reported:

Te Pāti Māori files urgent High Court proceeding over electoral roll concerns

Te Pāti Māori says it has filed urgent proceedings in the High Court over reports people have been removed from electoral roll or shifted off the Māori roll.

...

RNZ has spoken to several affected people, including Taryn Utiger, who could not find herself on the Māori roll despite switching to it last year.

She said she updated her details a month ago and called the Electoral Commission to double check she was all set to vote.

"They were like, yup ka pai you're on the Māori electorate roll, everything's good to go you will be able to vote in the local body elections and the referendum. I was like cool, thought that was the end of it, everything confirmed. Then I logged in last night and nothing."

Compounding this assault on democracy, numerous reports have also emerged of New Zealanders on the general electoral roll being inexplicably removed without notification or justification. These cases, spanning urban and rural electorates, occurring just before the end date for registrations, August 1, 2025, for local body elections, suggest a troubling pattern that undermines the integrity of the electoral system. The removal of eligible voters from the general roll, much like the issues plaguing the Māori roll, raises serious questions about administrative incompetence, or worse, deliberate manipulation.

Such actions are profoundly undemocratic, eroding trust in the electoral process and fuelling suspicions of a coordinated effort to suppress participation, particularly among demographics less likely to support the coalition. The lack of transparency around these removals only deepens the sense of unease, as voters are left wondering whether their right to vote is being systematically eroded.

Further compounding the issue, the coalition has reinstated a blanket ban on prisoner voting, ignoring the Electoral Commission’s recommendation to expand voting rights to all prisoners. This move disproportionately impacts Māori, who are overrepresented in the justice system, further eroding their democratic voice. ACT leader David Seymour’s dismissive rhetoric, labelling late enrolees as “dropkicks,” reveals a contempt for democratic participation that betrays the coalition’s motives. The right wing doesn't like democracy, as evidenced by their numerous policies that weren't canvased prior to the election.

These reforms aren't about efficiency; they're about engineering an electoral advantage. Special votes have historically favoured left-leaning parties, often shifting final results in their favour. By restricting access, the coalition is banking on suppressing turnout among groups less likely to support them. This echoes tactics seen in other democracies, where voter suppression has been used to skew outcomes. 

Worse still, reports on social media suggest the Electoral Commission has recently removed thousands of voters from the electoral roll without notification, which will leave many to discover on election day that they’re ineligible, with no recourse under the coalition’s plan to end same-day enrolment. While it’s unclear if these removals deliberately target left-leaning voters, the National-led government’s unjustifiable policies disproportionately affect communities more likely to support Labour, the Greens, or Te Pāti Māori. This pattern of disenfranchisement raises alarming questions about the integrity of our electoral system.

The fight to protect New Zealand’s democracy must be swift and unified. Te Pāti Māori’s court challenge is a vital step, but opposition parties, civil society, and voters must rally to safeguard the right to vote. Public pressure and scrutiny at the select committee stage of the Electoral Amendment Bill are essential. The sacrifices of those who fought for the right to vote demand that we act. New Zealand’s democracy deserves to amplify every voice, not silence those who seek change. The 2026 election hangs in the balance, and with it, the soul of our nation.

Was MethaneSAT Deliberately Compromised?

New Zealand’s MethaneSAT, launched with fanfare in March 2024 to tackle methane emissions, has become a troubling case study in corporate overreach and government opacity. The satellite’s abrupt failure in June 2025, attributed to a mysterious loss of power, raises serious questions about the role of Blue Canyon Technologies (BCT), a subsidiary of the controversial RTX Corporation (formerly Raytheon), which took control of the satellite in March 2025. This move, shrouded in secrecy, reeks of a deliberate attempt to undermine a mission that threatened the fossil fuel industry’s interests, with our National-led government seemingly complicit in the affair.
 

Today, RNZ reported:

 

Space Minister Judith Collins goes to ground over alleged government failures managing NZ's first space mission

Space Minister Judith Collins has gone to ground over alleged government failures managing New Zealand's first official, taxpayer-funded satellite mission.

Last year, Collins welcomed the launch of MethaneSAT as "a milestone in the development of New Zealand's space sector".

However, since the methane-hunting satellite lost communication with its owners, she has refused to answer questions on whether there would be any form of review of New Zealand's involvement in the mission.

...

Several experts RNZ has spoken to in the space industry lamented the choice to spend tens of millions being involved in a third party project, rather than making the country's first space mission something designed and launched from New Zealand.

Political leaders declined to front on calls for a thorough review.

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has blamed Labour for overseeing the initial investment and referred follow-up questions to Collins. That's despite the launch and orbit happening under the current government.

Collins has repeatedly refused to comment and referred all questions, including questions abut whether the government would hold a review, to the Ministry for Business, Innovation and Employment (MBIE), which houses the country's Space Agency.

MethaneSAT was designed to deliver precise, high-resolution data on methane emissions, a potent greenhouse gas, with a focus on exposing leaks from oil and gas operations. The satellite could have also potentially tracked the release of the potent greenhouse gas from agriculture. Such transparency is anathema to industries that thrive on obfuscation, preferring to downplay their environmental impact while lobbying for deregulation.

The National government, under Christopher Luxon, has shown a troubling alignment with these interests, delaying accountability, rolling back climate policies and championing fossil fuel exploration. This cosy relationship casts a shadow over the decision to hand control of MethaneSAT to BCT, a company with no stake in New Zealand’s environmental goals but a clear lineage in RTX’s defence empire, notorious for its ethical and legal transgressions.

The transfer of control to BCT in March 2025, ostensibly to address “operational challenges,” was a baffling move. Why entrust a critical climate mission to a subsidiary of RTX, a corporation mired in scandals? RTX has a rap sheet that includes a $950 million settlement in 2024 for defrauding the U.S. Department of Defense with defective pricing, bribing Qatari officials to secure contracts, and violating export controls by leaking sensitive technology to China, Russia, and Iran.

Their environmental record is equally grim, with toxic waste contamination in Florida and Arizona. RTX’s weapons, including cluster munitions and missiles used in Yemen and Gaza, have fuelled civilian suffering, while their “pain ray” systems used on civilians raise further ethical alarms. BCT, as part of this conglomerate, inherits a legacy of untrustworthiness, making the initial contracts and their control of MethaneSAT deeply suspicious.

Equally troubling is the lack of transparency from the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment (MBIE) and Defence Minister Judith Collins. MBIE’s refusal to answer questions about the transfer or the satellite’s persistent issues, frequent safe mode entries, thruster malfunctions, and a paltry data output, smacks of a cover-up. Collins, typically forthright, has been conspicuously silent, leaving New Zealanders in the dark about a $29 million taxpayer investment. This opacity fuels speculation that the government prioritised corporate interests over accountability, especially given Raytheon's questionable history and National’s fossil fuel-friendly stance.

The satellite’s “problems” before its planned handover to the University of Auckland’s Te Pūnaha Ātea Space Institute in June 2025 are equally perplexing. Reports of issues due to Solar Cycle 25’s peak in 2024–2025 seem convenient excuses. MethaneSAT is the only reported satellite to fail due to solar activity during this period, despite thousands of others navigating the same conditions. This singularity raises red flags: were these issues genuine, or a pretext for BCT to assume control?

The apparent absence of any proper mechanism for NZ authorities to oversea systems during these transfers or robust checks and balances during the satellite’s construction by BCT is glaring. Manufacturing faults are now cited as a cause of failure, yet no independent oversight ensured the satellite’s integrity. This smells of negligence, or worse, deliberate sabotage to protect oil and gas industry interests from MethaneSAT’s data, that would have highlighted methane emissions with pinpoint accuracy.

Rocket Lab, which operated MethaneSAT’s mission control until March 2025, adds another layer of intrigue. Their current PR campaign, which even includes promotional propaganda from Auckland's Mayor, Wayne Brown, consisting of founder and CEO Peter Beck insisting that they avoid military entanglements, is patently false. Rocket Lab’s Electron rocket, HASTE suborbital vehicle, and Photon spacecraft bus support U.S. and U.K. defence contracts, including hypersonic weapons testing (HASTE), military communications satellites (SDA’s Tranche 1 and 2), and rapid cargo delivery for conflict zones (Rocket Cargo). These technologies clearly bolster U.S. operations, contradicting Rocket Lab’s claims of neutrality. Their ties to Lockheed Martin, a weapons giant, further undermines their credibility.

The MethaneSAT debacle is a stark reminder of how corporate and government interests can converge to undermine public good. The farming and oil and gas industry’s aversion to accurate methane data, National’s fossil fuel bias, and RTX’s chequered history suggest a troubling narrative: a satellite designed to hold polluters accountable may have been deliberately compromised. Until Collins and MBIE provide answers, New Zealanders are left to wonder whether our climate ambitions were sacrificed on the altar of geopolitical games and corporate greed.

Government Fanning The Flames Of Racism

Unless you’ve been living under a rock, you should have noticed that racism in New Zealand isn't just a lingering shadow of colonialism, it’s a structural pillar of our current government, with their latest policies pouring even more fuel on the fire. New Zealand likes to pat itself on the back as a progressive paradise, but scratch bellow the surface, and the ugly truth of entrenched racism is as clear as day. From systemic inequities to tone-deaf legislation, the powers-that-be are doubling down on policies that widen the gap for Māori and Pasifika communities, all while cloaking it in dishonest “fairness” rhetoric that nobody in their right mind should believe.

Let’s start with the cold, hard reality. Māori make up 17% of the population but over 50% of the prison population. Pasifika are over-represented in poverty stats, with one in five kids in low-income households. Health outcomes? Māori life expectancy lags behind Pākehā by nearly a decade. These aren’t accidents; they’re the scars of a system built on colonial theft that has been sustained by political apathy. The Waitangi Tribunal’s been highlighting breaches of Te Tiriti for decades, yet successive governments have kicked the can down the road.

Enter the current coalition of chaos government, which seems hell-bent on making things even worse. Take the recent push to dismantle Māori-specific policies under the guise of “equality before the law”. Scrapping the Māori Health Authority? A gut-punch to people already battling systemic healthcare disparities. The rhetoric around “one law for all” sounds noble until you realise it erases targeted support for those who’ve been screwed over for generations. Then there’s the Fast-track Approvals Bill, which sidelines Māori consultation on resource projects. When iwi voices are silenced, it’s not just a policy tweak, it’s a middle finger to Te Tiriti and the principle of partnership.


Last week, 1 News reported:

Luxon: No compromise on Te Pāti Māori decision, rejects ‘racism’ claims

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon says the National Party will not make any concessions on the Privileges Committee's recommendation to suspend three Te Pāti Māori MPs from Parliament.

Last week, the Privileges Committee recommended the suspensions of co-leaders Rawiri Waititi and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and MP Hana-Rāwhiti Maipi-Clarke in the wake of a haka that was performed during the first reading of the Treaty Principles Bill last year.

A 21-day suspension was recommended for Waititi and Ngarewa-Packer, while a seven-day suspension was recommended for Maipi-Clarke.

The fact that Judith Collins lied about Te Pāti Māori halting the vote and handing down the longest suspensions in New Zealand's political history certainly points to one conclusion.

However, this type of racism isn’t new. The government’s playbook, dressed up as pragmatism, leans heavily on dog-whistle politics that scapegoat Māori for daring to demand a fairer New Zealand. Remember the foreshore and seabed debacle? We’re seeing its ghost again, with Treaty settlements under threat and public discourse increasingly hostile. Social media’s a cesspool of anti-Māori sentiment, emboldened by politicians who’d rather stoke division than address root causes. Numerous posts by right-wing operatives blame Māori for “special treatment,” conveniently ignoring the centuries of land grabs, cultural erasure, and economic exclusion that has inhibited New Zealand from reaching its full potential.


Yesterday, E-Tangata reported:

Is our government racist?

…

It was about power and control, and how this is related to the kind of unacknowledged and denied racism (masquerading under a number of other guises) that plagues parliament and, indeed, our society as a whole.

Simply put, being Maōri and doing Māori things is okay as long as people in power control what is involved, and when and how it appears. It is a cultural contortion which creates an impression of inclusion while upholding unacknowledged racism.

For parliament to control how Māori appear in parliament is little better than excluding Māori altogether. I would argue it’s worse because such controlled inclusion has the effect of diffusing challenge and creating the appearance of “good race relations”, a myth mainstream New Zealand has been careful to cultivate over the years.

 

So, what’s the fix? First, stop pretending racism’s a few bad apples, it’s the whole damn orchard. The government needs to honour Te Tiriti, not as a box-ticking exercise but as a living commitment. That means reinvesting in Māori-led solutions, from healthcare to education, and amplifying iwi voices in resource decisions. It means calling out the coded language of “equality” for what it is: a Trojan horse for maintaining Pākehā privilege. And it means Pakeha need to own their role in dismantling the system, not just shrugging and saying, “It’s complicated.”

The clock’s ticking. If this government keeps torching Māori rights, the social fabric of Aotearoa will fray even further. We’re better than this, or at least, we should be. Let’s demand policies that heal the social divide, not harm it, and create a future where “equality” isn’t just a dirty word the ACT Party roles out every time someone dares to question the government's racist policies.

The Coalition's Disinformation Undermining Our Democracy

The New Zealand government, National, ACT, and NZ First, has been very busy recently earning its moniker: the Coalition of Chaos. This unholy trinity seems hell-bent on trying to rewrite reality, peddling lies that erode public trust in politics, and flouting the rules of decorum in an orchestrated attack on the public's sensibilities.

Take the corrupt Shane Jones for instance, NZ First’s loudmouth-in-chief, who’s been parroting the tired old lie that Labour shut down the Marsden Point refinery. The truth? The refinery’s closure in 2021 was a commercial decision by its private owners, not a Labour policy. Jones knows this. His own coalition’s $7.3 billion feasibility study confirmed the Crown can’t afford to reopen it. Yet, he keeps flogging this dead horse, hoping voters won’t notice that most of Marsden Point refinery is already demolished. It’s cynical and lazy politicking, which insults people's intelligence.

Then there’s the fiction that Labour directly funnelled $2.7 million to the Mongrel Mob for a meth rehab programme. This whopper, gleefully amplified by propagandist bloggers and coalition MPs, conveniently ignores the facts. The funding went to a community-based rehab initiative, not the gang’s coffers, and was part of a broader health strategy to tackle meth addiction. Misrepresenting it as a gang handout is a cheap shot designed to inflame prejudice and dodge scrutiny of the coalition’s own limp efforts on addiction. When meth use has more than doubled over the past year, you'd expect some level of honest debate from government politicians to find solutions. Instead all we get is finger pointing and more lies.

Judith Collins, meanwhile, has been spinning her own twisted yarn, claiming Te Pāti Māori’s protest haka in Parliament stopped ACT MPs from voting on the Waitangi Tribunal bill. Rubbish! The haka disrupted proceedings, sure, but no vote was blocked. ACT MPs were free to cast their ballots. Collins’ exaggeration is yet another racist dog-whistle, painting Māori activism as a threat to democracy while deflecting from the coalition’s divisive Treaty policies. The mainstream media, lapping up her soundbites, only fuels the government’s distortion of the truth.

Speaking of media, how many times have we heard coalition MPs whining about National “inheriting a financial mess” from Labour? It’s a catchy line, dutifully echoed by outlets too spineless to fact-check. Reality check: Labour navigated a global pandemic, kept unemployment low, and left a fiscal deficit that National’s own tax cuts have since ballooned into the stratosphere. The “mess” narrative is just another lazy trope to justify the government's austerity and broken promises, like the cancer treatment funding National tried to quietly shelve. The subsequent Pharmac boost may have mitigated some criticism, but the delay and lack of transparency by the government has fuelled distrust in their decision making process.

Then there’s the brazen lie from Christopher Luxon and Nicola Willis, who insist their pay equity reforms won’t cut women’s pay packets. Absolute nonsense! By raising the threshold for claims and scrapping 33 existing ones affecting 150,000 mostly female workers, the coalition’s changes will save billions...money that would have otherwise gone to teachers, nurses, and carers.

Labour’s Chris Hipkins nailed it: taking away promised pay is a cut, plain and simple. Luxon’s claim that it’s just “fixing an unworkable system” is gaslighting, especially when Willis admitted the savings plug another budget hole. "Brooke van Velden has saved the budget" claimed ACT's David Seymour. Saved the budget by making low-waged women foot the bill for National's un-costed tax cuts and billion dollar handouts for landlords. This betrayal, rammed through under urgency, screams contempt for women workers...a contempt that is designed to keep everyone's wages low.

Other untruths abound. David Seymour’s Treaty Principles Bill was sold as “clarifying” the Treaty, but the Waitangi Tribunal correctly called it a breach of partnership principles, warning that it undermines Māori rights. ACT’s claim that it’s just “future-proofing” is a bald-faced lie! 18,000 petitioners and countless submissions saw through it. But still the ACT Party persists in trying to mislead the people.

This relentless dishonesty isn’t just politics as usual…it’s a wrecking ball for public faith in our political system. When government MPs blatantly lie with impunity, and media parrot their dishonest talking points, voters grow ever more cynical. Trust in Parliament, already at an all-time low, takes another hit. Politicians wonder why turnout at general elections is plummeting? But they only need look in the mirror. The Coalition of Chaos isn’t just governing poorly, it’s poisoning the well of democracy…a poison that will take many generations to remedy.

Judith Collins - Arsehole Of The Week

In a move that reeks of authoritarianism, Judith Collins, as chair of Parliament’s Privileges Committee, has overseen the unprecedented suspension of three Te Pāti Māori MPs...Rawiri Waititi, Debbie Ngarewa-Packer, and Hana-Rāwhiti Maipi-Clarke...for performing a haka in protest against the divisive Treaty Principles Bill. This 21-day suspension for the co-leaders and seven days for Maipi-Clarke, without pay, is not just a slap in the face to Māori representation; it’s a blatant attack on democratic expression. Collins calls it “intimidating” and the “worst” behaviour she’s seen in Parliament. Really, Judith? Let’s unpack your own rap sheet and see how it stacks up.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:

The House: Parliamentary privileges - Race as an aggravating factor?

Analysis: On Wednesday, Parliament's Privileges Committee released its final report into the MPs who protested the Treaty Principles Bill with a haka in the House in November 2024.

There was surprise and shock over the recommended punishments for Te Pāti Māori MPs, which seemed both unprecedented and extreme.

 

In retrospect, considering this week's response from Parliament's Speaker, the advice now available from Parliament's Clerk, and Committee Chair Judith Collins' public defence of her own report, that the initial reaction was overly calm. The committee report now appears partisan, indefensible and open to attacks of racism.

…

The committee particularly asked for contextual information about penalties. One member even asked for information about imprisonment.

 

Collins, who is likely the committee member who proposed locking up Māori Party MPs for doing a haka, has a knack for tossing red meat to the racists. Her 2021 speech criticising Labour’s treaty-focused policies as “separate systems” was clearly dog-whistling, stirring up anti-Māori sentiment while feigning concern for disaffected white New Zealanders. Her selective outrage...praising ACT’s C-word slinger Brooke van Velden while crucifying Māori MPs for a haka, shows a double standard based solely on her racism and political alliances.

The haka in question, a cultural expression of resistance widely used throughout New Zealand, didn't even temporarily disrupt the vote (as Collins claimed), on a bill that many see as eroding the Treaty of Waitangi’s foundations. The vote had already occurred before the haka comenced, which was a powerful, non-violent act of dissent. Yet Collins and her committee have weaponised parliamentary rules to try and silence Māori voices.

This is an undemocratic misuse of parliament’s processes, which have been weaponised to punish MPs for peacefully representing their constituents’ outrage. Labour, Greens, and Māori Party members have slammed the penalties as excessive, with Te Pāti Māori’s lawyer, Tania Waikato, calling it an “absolute disgrace.” Collins’ claim that this isn’t about tikanga but about “impeding a vote” is a flimsy excuse to dodge the cultural insensitivity she has put in play. I mean what’s next…sending MPs to the privileges committee for using filibustering to impede a vote?

Now, let’s talk further about Collins’ own track record. In 2014, Collins was sacked as a minister under John Key for her role in the “Dirty Politics” scandal, orchestrating National Party smear campaigns through right-wing bloggers like Cameron Slater. Hypocrisy much? She’s no stranger to undermining democracy when it suits her. Then there’s her 2009 comment about “fat people” clogging up healthcare, a callous jab that dehumanizes an entire group while deflecting from the systemic issues that cause obesity, health issues that many of National’s polices only exacerbate. Then there’s her death threat. In 2013, she told a journalist investigating her conflicts of interest to “meet his maker,” an open call for his killing that’s far more intimidating than any heartfelt haka.

Collins’ selective outrage is telling. She praised ACT’s Brooke van Velden for using the C-word in Parliament, calling it “standing up for herself,” yet a Māori cultural protest is “unprecedented” and deserving of draconian and unprecedented punishment. This double standard exposes a deeper issue: Collins and her ilk are comfortable with parliamentary “civility” only when it upholds their interests and the status quo. The haka challenged that, and they can’t handle it.

This suspension isn’t just about three MPs; it’s about silencing Māori resistance and punishing those who dare disrupt a mechanism of colonial repression. Collins’ history of dirty tactics, divisive rhetoric, and outright threats to private citizens shows she’s no guardian of democracy. If anyone should be suspended, it’s her, for a career of racism and dirty political tactics.

Judith Collins earns this week’s Arsehole Award for suspending Māori MPs over a haka while her own rap sheet (smears, threats, and racist insults) stinks worse than a leaking landfill. Her undemocratic power trip proves she’s less about parliamentary order and more about keeping Māori in check. It’s well past time Judith Collins bowed out of politics. Her particular brand of racism and bias is no longer acceptable in a multicultural country that is eager to move forward.

Brownlee’s Bias: Māori MPs Punished, van Velden Spared

In a Parliament that’s supposed to uphold fairness, the recent punishments meted out to Te Pāti Māori MPs for their haka protest compared to Workplace Relations Minister Brooke van Velden for her use of the C-word expose a glaring double standard. Speaker Gerry Brownlee and the Privileges Committee have once again shown that when it comes to enforcing parliamentary decorum, the rules bend depending on who’s in the dock.

Let’s start with Te Pāti Māori. On November 14, 2024, MPs Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, Rawiri Waititi, and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer performed a haka during the first reading of the divisive Treaty Principles Bill, a protest against legislation that erodes Māori rights. The haka, a profound expression of cultural identity and resistance, often used by the New Zealand All Blacks, disrupted the vote, prompting Brownlee to suspend the House and dock Maipi-Clarke’s pay for 24 hours.

The Privileges Committee, chaired by National’s Judith Collins, went even further, recommending unprecedented suspensions: 21 days for Waititi and Ngarewa-Packer, and seven days for Maipi-Clarke, the harshest penalties in New Zealand’s parliamentary history. The committee claimed the issue wasn’t the haka itself but its “intimidatory” nature. Te Pāti Māori called the process “grossly unjust,” arguing it dismissed tikanga Māori and silenced their voices.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:
 

Te Pāti Māori MPs to be temporarily suspended from Parliament over haka

Te Pāti Māori MPs will be temporarily suspended from Parliament for "acting in a manner that could have the effect of intimidating a member of the House" after performing a haka during the first reading of the Treaty Principles Bill.

Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke will be suspended for seven days, while co-leaders Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi will be "severely censured" and suspended for 21 days.

The three MPs - along with Labour's Peeni Henare - were referred to the Privileges Committee for their involvement in a haka and protests in the House in November, at the first reading of the contentious Treaty Principles Bill.

The suspension means the three Te Pāti Māori MPs will not be present at next week's Budget debate.

Contrast this extreme punishment with Brooke van Velden’s slap on the wrist for her recent disruptive profanity. In a heated debate, van Velden repeatedly used the C-word to criticize Labour’s Jan Tinetti, who had simply asked what the government thought about an opinion piece written by Andrea Vance, who had used the C-word to describe government Ministers. Brownlee’s response? A mild reprimand, requiring van Velden to withdraw and apologise, with no further action. No suspension, no pay docking, no Privileges Committee referral. This leniency for a coalition MP, whose deliberate use of a vulgar slur was undeniably disruptive, stands in stark contrast to the draconian measures employed against Te Pāti Māori to try and silence their concerns about the government's anti-Māori agenda.

Brownlee’s track record as Speaker raises questions about his impartiality. His rulings often favour the coalition of chaos government, as seen when he overruled the Clerk of the House and his assistant speaker on a fast-track bill amendment, prioritising coalition interests, which caused the Labour party to lose confidence in him as speaker. The haka incident further exposes this bias. While Brownlee claimed the haka’s disruption of a vote was a “cardinal sin,” he downplayed van Velden’s vulgar outburst as a mere breach of decorum. The Privileges Committee’s recommendation amplifies this disparity, punishing a culturally significant act of protest far more harshly than a crude verbal attack.

My overseas friends keep telling me the scenes they saw in parliament yesterday were sickening & I've had to explain to them his name is Gerry Brownlee & he has always looked like this pic.twitter.com/9g7pxQG73c

— Liquid Times (@Liquid_Times) November 15, 2024

This isn’t just about inconsistent rulings; it’s about whose voices are being valued in Parliament. Te Pāti Māori’s haka was a response to a bill threatening the Treaty of Waitangi, a cornerstone of New Zealand’s constitutional framework. Van Velden’s C-word, however, was the government trying to blame Labour for an article written by a reporter...a personal jab, lacking any cultural or political weight whatsoever. Yet, the Māori MPs face prolonged suspensions at the exact time the government is announcing another austerity budget, a budget that is set to once again disproportionately and adversely impact Māori. The message is clear: colonial norms trump tikanga, and coalition MPs get a free pass while Brownlee stacks the decks against opposition MPs.

The Privileges Committee’s decision sets a dangerous precedent, signaling that Māori expressions of resistance in the house (which are now a part of New Zealand's everyday culture) will be met with maximum government force. Brownlee and Collins must answer: why is a haka deemed more “intimidatory” than a minister’s unwarranted and disrespectful profanities? Until Parliament reconciles its rules with tikanga Māori, such injustices will persist, eroding trust in our democratic institutions. And once that trust has gone, it's nearly impossible to get back.

Cameron Slater’s Creepy Fixation On Jacinda Ardern

Has anybody else noticed Cameron Slater still obsessing over Jacinda Ardern? The disgraced Whale Oil blogger seems to have made it his life’s mission to shadow the former Prime Minister of New Zealand like some unhinged stalker lurking in the digital bushes.

The man’s obsession with Ardern isn't just unhealthy...it’s downright disturbing, and it’s time we call it out for what it is: a ideologically driven vendetta that’s crossed into creepy online abuse territory. If you’ve followed Slater’s track record, you’ll know this isn’t just his political critique of current affairs; instead it’s personal, vindictive, and reeks of someone who can’t let go.

Slater’s history with Ardern reads like a bad spy novel. Back in 2021, The Standard blog exposed how he was the likely source behind a bizarre Herald attack campaign against Ardern over her wedding plans. I know right! The articles, dripping with petty resentment and innuendo, were classic Slater: digging into personal details, spinning them into a story, fabricating untruths and serving it all up with a side order of misogyny. The man couldn’t resist meddling in something as private as a wedding, allegedly feeding the story to paint Ardern as some sort of elitist. This wasn’t journalism...it was Slater skulking around Ardern's personal life, and trying to score cheap political points in a pathetic and pointless online crusade he's already lost.

But that’s just one chapter in Slater’s unhealthy Ardern fixation. His Whale Oil blog, before it imploded under the weight of his own noxious scribbling and a self-inflicted legal failure, was a cesspool of vitriol aimed at a Prime Minister who is celebrated throughout the world. Jealous much? From snide comments about her appearance to baseless insinuations about her relationships and leadership, Slater’s campaign oozed with a personal grudge that went far beyond just political disagreement.

It’s the kind of behavior you’d expect from a jilted lover, not someone who the mainstream media approach for comment. Despite their unwarranted promotion, Slater is a broken man pathetically obsessing over Ardern’s Instagram account like one of those villains in a horror movie, which would be sad if it wasn't so damn creepy! And let’s not forget his cozy ties with National MP Judith Collins, who he called a “good friend” in 2021, hinting at a shared disdain for Ardern that fueled his relentless attacks during the twilight of dirty politics.

What’s chilling is how Slater’s obsession fits his broader pattern of harassment. This is the guy who’s been involved with character assassinations, gang stand-overs, theft of private property, hacking government servers and defamation rulings. He's been fined for contempt of court, and even bankrupted, yet he still can’t stop himself. Slater’s like a digital peeping Tom, unable to resist prying into the lives of those he fixates on...Ardern, who hasn't been the PM for nearly two years now, being his main target.

Was it Slater who drove Ardern away by encouraging numerous death threats against her family? Possibly! His posts weren’t just critical; they were invasive and abusive, gleefully inciting hatred and tearing into her character with a relish that screams unhinged stalker. It’s not just about policy for Slater...it’s about Ardern herself, as if her very existence offends him.

Slater’s not just a blogger...he’s a cautionary tale of what happens when failure and resentment festers into something measurably worse. His obsession with Ardern isn’t just because he's a gun for hire or a blogger gone rogue; it’s a warning about how far unchecked malice can go. The man needs to step back, get a grip, find some help, and maybe a hobby or two that doesn’t involve stalking a successful female politician. Clearly, Jacinda Ardern and New Zealand deserves better than the toxic sideshow of Whale Oil 2.0.

Judith Collins’ Hypocrisy: War Drums Over Welfare

Judith Collins is a seasoned master at political hypocrisy. As New Zealand’s Defence Minister, she's recently been banging the war drum, announcing a jaw-dropping $12 billion boost to the defence budget over the next four years, all while the coalition of chaos cries poor over housing, health, and education.

Apparently, there’s always cash for cannons, but when it comes to hospital beds, feeding kids or affordable homes, the piggy bank’s mysteriously empty. Talk about a steaming pile of contradiction, Judith.

Collins justifies this military splurge by pointing fingers at China, claiming their missile tests and Tasman Sea antics mean New Zealand must “step up” or be left defenceless. It’s classic fearmongering...paint the dragon as the big bad wolf, and suddenly, billions for warships seem reasonable. Never mind that escalating tensions with our biggest trading partner might not be the brightest idea. Collins seems itching for a scrap, or at least a Cold War sequel, with New Zealand bowing down to every whim of the United States. Meanwhile, her government’s slashing public services faster than you can say “AUKUS.”

 

On Saturday, RNZ reported:

The multibillion-dollar boost for New Zealand's military: What you need to know

Luxon has said the plan can be funded from within the current spending track: "We can afford this, we know this is a big step up and a big commitment but in our current fiscal track we can afford this."

How do we know it's affordable?

Here, it's important to distinguish between operating allowances and capital allowances. Or, day-to-day government spending on goods and services, versus long-term investments in assets.

 

The hypocrisy in Luxon's insulting waffle is galling. The National Party, alongside their corrupt ACT and NZ First mates, has spent months and months preaching to voters about fiscal restraint. They’ve bungled their meaningless tax cuts, gutted public sector jobs, squeezed health funding, and left housing initiatives to wither...because, you know, “times are tough.” Yet, when it’s time to flex for the Five Eyes club, the wallet magically opens. We'll materialize out of thin air $12 billion for defence? No problem! But ask for a few million to fix mouldy state houses or hire more nurses and doctors, and you’ll get an unending lecture about “living within your means” or pointless instructions about proper pronoun use. It’s almost like the coalition’s priorities are less about people and more about posturing on the world stage.

Let’s not kid ourselves...this isn’t just about preparedness; it’s about Collins and National grandstanding to distract from their domestic failures. While Kiwis struggle with skyrocketing costs, Collins is dreaming of her very own military fiefdom. The coalition’s happy to let kids sleep in cars, but God forbid we miss out on some big boy toys, a frigate or two that aren't going to stop some Chinese destroyers exercising in the Pacific anyway. So what is that $12 billion really for? To placate the David Seymour's fears that China will suddenly bomb New Zealand for no reason, even though 5.4% of our population is Chinese? Get real! To placate the United States and their intent to start a superpower war with China in a conflict that will only have losers? If this isn’t a case of misplaced priorities, I don’t know what is.

The real kicker? Collins has form dismantling social safety nets with one hand while misspending taxpayers' money with the other. You can’t have it both ways, Judith. If there’s money for missiles, there’s money for medicine. If you’re ready to fight a war with China, how about fighting for all the Kiwi kids who are going hungry because of your austerity?

This coalition of chaos needs a reality check. New Zealanders deserve a government that invests in its people, not pipe dreams of military glory. Collins’ budget priorities aren’t just hypocritical...they’re a betrayal of the Kiwi dream, a dream that is slipping further away for most law abiding citizens because the National Party is breaching the social contract.

Ani O’Brien has Zero Credibility

In the cesspool that is often New Zealand’s online political discourse, few figures wield their influence as destructively as Ani O’Brien. Masquerading as a champion of free speech and women’s rights, O’Brien’s campaigns are a masterclass in bad faith, built on a foundation of lies, selective outrage, and a knack for playing the victim when it suits her.

O'Brien's recent obsession with Green MP Benjamin Doyle, which utilized many of these gross manipulations, exposes not just her hypocrisy but also the dangerous consequences of her disinformation, all while she conveniently ignores right-wing politicians with actual associations with, or convictions for, paedophilia.

The misinformation expert's latest online tirade fixates on Doyle’s private Instagram account, which she’s justified the hacking of as being in the interest of safeguarding children. With zero evidence, she’s insinuated predatory behaviour of a sitting MP, stealing and amplifying screenshots of Doyle with their child to paint a sinister and entirely untrue picture. This isn’t just reckless and endangering to Doyle and his family…it’s a calculated right-wing smear campaign, leaning on dog-whistle homophobia to demonize a non-binary person for political gain.

Not content with relegating such dirty political discourse to the darker side of the internet, the mainstream media have happily amplified O’Brien’s hatred, with the NZ Herald unfortunately giving her an unearned and unwarranted platform to cry foul about the Greens’ response to her unjustified attack, framing herself as a concerned lesbian and former Green Party supporter. But let’s cut through the crocodile tears: O’Brien’s no innocent bystander. Her Substack and X posts reveal a person intent on propagating disinformation that’s been provided by anonymous trolls. She’s even admitting to peddling unverified claims, while continuing to promote a more refined level of hatred she believes will find favour amongst conservative readers. This is hateful deception dressed up as advocacy, and it’s a toxic poison that should not be infecting our democratic discourse again.

O’Brien’s victimhood act is as tired as those who echo her, such as the deluded NZ First leader Winston Peters and discredited and convicted defamer Cameron Slater. When called out, O’Brien clutches at pearls, claiming she’s targeted by “hateful left-wing homophobia.” It’s a cynical ploy to deflect accountability while rallying her hateful and abusive base of online attack trolls. She’s not the martyr she pretends to be. Instead, she’s a provocateur who thrives on outrage and controversy. Her Free Speech Union ties and history with Judith Collins’ office scream right-wing operative, not grassroots hero. Yet, she dodges scrutiny by wrapping herself in a rainbow flag she’s quick to discard when it suits her poisonous narrative.

The fallout from her Doyle campaign is chilling. X users, egged on by her insinuations, spiraled into a lynch mob, hurling death threats at Doyle and their family. Posts on platforms like r/ConservativeKiwi escalate her “evidence” into unhinged conspiracies, with users fantasizing about Doyle’s death and tossing around terms like “pedo” with abandon. One Reddit thread even speculated about “MAPs” (minor-attracted persons) hiding under rainbow flags, a vile untrue trope O’Brien’s unhinged rhetoric fuels. This isn’t just discourse…its incitement, and she’s selectively fanning the flames of hatred towards the largely left-wing supporting LGBTQ+ community without evidence or remorse.

Meanwhile, O’Brien’s silence on right-wing figures linked to actual pedophilia scandals is deafening. Take the National Party’s cozy relationship, via MP’s such as Hamish Campbell, with "church" groups like the Two By Twos who are under active FBI investigation for child abuse. Take the former Act Party president, Tim Jago, being found guilty of molesting young boys. Where’s her righteous fury there? Nowhere. Her tunnel vision on Doyle, who hasn’t committed any crime, reeks of political bias so entrenched that she couldn’t see the truth if it slapped her in the face. O’Brien isn’t safeguarding kids; she’s stealing and weaponising their images to score points against the left in a disgusting return to the bad old days of dirty politics.

Ani O’Brien’s brand of activism isn’t about truth…it’s about power. Her lies and selective crusades don’t just undermine opponents; they erode trust, inflame hate, and put lives at risk. New Zealand deserves better than Ani O’Brien’s brand of faux outrage, which inevitably undermines the claims and accounts of the real victims of child sexual abuse.

Remembering SiBri

It probably won’t even register with most Kiwis that Simon Bridges, who was once leader of the National Party, has resigned. Even with a biased mainstream media promoting him above his station and numerous scandals besmirching his career, Bridges was a largely nondescript and forgettable MP. I mean what exactly did this guy achieve while in power or opposition? Anything? He certainly failed to build anywhere near enough bridges, both figuratively and metaphorically speaking. That’s why it would be beneficial to remind readers about who exactly Simon Bridges was and what he truly stood for.

Bridges, who has cited family reasons and commercial opportunities for taking the wind out of National’s sail by quitting Luxon’s inner circle, is perhaps best known for his role in a donations scandal of biblical proportions. It was one thing to deny his involvement, but a recording of him giving instructions to former National Party MP Jamie-Lee Ross in order to hide very large bribes from Chinese businessmen who were trying to buy influence in New Zealand is undeniably compelling evidence. The High Court hasn’t as yet laid down exactly when the next hearing is to take place, but it’s likely that Bridges is leaving politics precisely because of his involvement in that blatant attempt to hide large sums of foreign money from public and official scrutiny.

However you can kinda understand why he would leave anyway, even without the high court hearing likely to tarnish his career even further and again thrust National into the limelight for all the wrong reasons. Bridges recently lost a leadership challenge to the very unpopular Judith Collins, who predictably sunk National with her very nasty temperament. He also came up short after Crusher had to bow out because of National’s disastrous polling. Despite his right wing credentials, Bridges was forced to capitulate to the untested Christopher Luxon, obviously because he wouldn’t be accepted by National’s mainly white middle class (read overtly and covertly racist) voters. Being that Bridges has way more political experience, this must have been a bitter pill for him to swallow on both a personal and professional level.

But it’s not just the fact that Bridges has been tripped up by his own party. The mainstream media had great expectations that he would one day be able to challenge Jacinda Ardern in the countries most important popularity contest. However, sadly for National, even though he’s clearly a true believer in the right wing’s modus operandi, namely benefiting the rich at other people’s expense, Bridges has fallen well short of the hurdle. This is despite the MSM giving him ample opportunity to try and promote himself as a respectable and upstanding family man. Despite media bias, Bridges has often been his own worst enemy when it comes to public attention. Journalists gave him more than enough rope and he invariably used it to choke his own political career.

What Bridges fails to understand is that even many so-called mum and dad investors will frown upon his blatant greed. We witnessed Bridges’ greed first hand when it was revealed that he wasted hundreds of thousands of taxpayer dollars throwing elaborate parties for his oil and gas industry mates. We again witnessed his greed when he heavily invested public money into polluting industries at the environments expense. Bridges also opposed the now successful clean car subsidy, because he was in the pocket of the oil barons. Then there were the substantial bribes from Chinese businessmen that Bridges blatantly tried to cover up. All this paints a very compelling picture of a not to be trusted politician, a picture that not even the most talented National Party propagandist could erase from the public’s consciousness.

We were also enlightened to the extent of Bridges’ dishonesty when he claimed to have witnessed a gang fight at Tauranga hospital; something that both the Police and CCTV footage categorically proved was completely untrue. It was a marvel to watch him keep digging like there was no tomorrow. Likewise, we couldn’t believe the bogus arguments Bridges came up with while trying to defend his opposition to a ban on conversion therapy. Despite his youngish age, the out-dated and washed up politician has absolutely no viable justification for such a backwards viewpoint. In fact to call his harmful belief system prehistoric is an insult to dinosaurs.

So after 14 years of obfuscation and legislative blunders in Parliament, Simon Bridges has worn out his credibility as both a politician and religious leader. Everybody knows that God loves all creations, including those that don’t fit the conservative and idealistic viewpoint of ignorant fundamentalists like Simon Bridges. It’s therefore unlikely that we will hear much if anything more from the former MP for Tauranga, apart from a wee High Court reminder of his treasonous bribe taking that is...which is something all free thinking and honest Kiwis should be quietly chuffed about.

The end of a toxic leader

If there's one thing that Judith Collins is usually good at, it's using scandalous information about other people to her advantage. Not above undermining her own political party, Collins has been known to even leak against her fellow MPs, particularly those who posed a threat to her as the leader of the beleaguered National Party.

That’s what makes her downfall so extraordinary. By attempting to sanction Simon Bridges using a complaint about inappropriate behavior from five years ago, Collins has appeared the political novice, and not the cutthroat operator that we’ve all come to know and despise.


Today, Stuff reported:

Live: Judith Collins rolled as National leader

Judith Collins is out as National's leader after her demotion of Simon Bridges threw the party into disarray, Stuff understands.

Bridges was to be demoted and stripped of his portfolios in response to a complaint about comments he allegedly made to a female colleague a number of years ago, it was announced on Wednesday night.

The complainant is understood to be MP Jacqui Dean.

You’ve got to question Collins’ faculties here. Firstly, she has failed to accept that she's the main cause of National’s polling slide. Evidently a majority of voters don’t support the vexatious nature of Collins and her chief advisor Cameron Slater and any attempt to paint them in a different light was obviously a folly only the most deluded right-wing propagandist would believe in.

But by attempting to use a dirty tactic to fend off a leadership challenge, even if there is merit to the initial complaint, Collins appeared incredibly arrogant, even by her standards. Collins even claimed that she had the support of the board to demote Bridges, a bold faced lie that also sealed her fate. In effect there was no other option left to her colleagues other than to end her short tenure as the so-called leader of the National Party.

Collins issued her press statement at 9.24pm, including claiming she was unanimously backed by the @NZNationalParty board.
Only after she was rolled did the President correct the record, around 18 hours later.
Had Collins prevailed, Goodfellow would have gone along with the lie.

— Matthew Hooton (@MatthewHootonNZ) November 25, 2021

In fact the blue “team” has been nothing more than a shambles since Collins and her forlorn entourage obtained the opposition benches last year, particularly during the Delta outbreak whereby they still appear conflicted about the efficacy of Covid-19 vaccines.

However it’s the desperate attempt to hold onto her unwarranted power that has ultimately resulted in Crusher's downfall. Besmirching Simon Bridges with an old complaint is one thing, but trying to convince a predominantly male dominated caucus that she wouldn’t use similar underhanded tactics against them is quite another.

Clearly this total failure to read the room is a huge misstep showing that Judith Collins has no place leading a political party, or a place in Parliament for that matter. In my opinion she should do the right thing and resign entirely before the next election.

National aligns with the anti-vaxxers

What is it about the National Party that’s causing them to look so indecisive at the moment? Not only do they often criticise the Government for implementing policy that they themselves have previously promoted, National also seems to have no firm stance on important topics such as MIQ facilities, which they previously wanted to build but now want to demolish.

This indecision is causing very large amounts of confusion for journalists and voters alike, who cannot decipher exactly what National actually stands for. I mean contradicting themselves because they simply forgot what their position previously was is one thing, but contradicting the party line when it comes to things like vaccines should be ringing some large alarm bells.

Perhaps the worst flip-flopper amongst the blue “team” is none other than their leader, Judith Collins. Although she tries hard to appear reasonable, Collins has been caught out a number of times sabotaging the Covid-19 health response and supporting anti-vaccination protests.


Last week, the NZ Herald reported:

Judith Collins on Groundswell NZ protest and James Shaw's COP26 trip

National Party leader Judith Collins says she will attend Groundswell NZ's "Mother of all Protests" on November 21 to show her support for Kiwi farmers.

Groundswell NZ is the farmer-led group behind the successful "Howl of a Protest" in July when rural people took to the streets in tractors and farm vehicles to show their concerns over Government regulations and the "ute tax".

Unfortunately a few regulations and the “ute tax” aren’t the only things these farmers are protesting about. And just like the Destiny Church, Groundswell is clearly a politically motivated movement that will encourage anti Government sentiment wherever they can, even if it means aligning themselves with the anti-vaxxers.

Here’s a photo of Crusher Collins’ mates Brian and Hannah Tamaki, who have been organising numerous anti-vaccination protests around the country despite court orders banning them from doing so. They’re having a meeting with Leo Molloy and Groundswell organiser Scott Bright on the right, who earlier this month gave gifts of food to people attending an anti-vaccination protest organised by the misnamed Freedom and Rights Coalition.

But that’s unfortunately not the only indication that Groundswell organisers are against vaccines.


On 2 November, Stuff reported:

Groundswell NZ denies being anti-vax after founder shuns vaccination promo video

Meanwhile, a photo of Groundswell's Pukekohe and Auckland co-ordinator, Scott Bright, sitting at a table alongside Brian and Hannah Tamaki has been shared on social media.

Hannah Tamaki has previously stated in a Facebook post that she would choose not to receive the Covid-19 vaccine.

Her husband, Brian Tamaki, has also said in a social media post that the long-term effects of the vaccine were “unknown” and claimed the vaccine was “untested”.

In fact, the vaccine has been extensively tested and any side effects happen within days and weeks, rather than in the long-term.

Bright has also provided fresh vegetables to the Freedom and Rights Coalition protests, but told Stuff he attended the protest in a personal capacity.

Of course Collins isn’t the only National Party MP who has aligned themselves with the anti-vaccination crusaders. Harete Hipango was also recently caught supporting a protest against a vaccine clinic in Whanganui.


Last week, Newshub reported:

Whanganui COVID-19 vaccine protest: Kaumātua felt 'sad' seeing 'our families out there'

The Prime Minister's day began with heated protests outside a vaccination bus in Whanganui on Wednesday, where she was scheduled to visit a vaccination clinic.

"I feel sad when I hear our families - they're our families out there, our nieces, our mokopuna," Whanganui kaumātua John Niko Maihi told Newshub.

"I'm surprised at how many people don't want to be vaccinated."

…

Another politician visited the protest - local National MP Harete Hipango.

"I'm here to support my community," she said, when asked if she was there to support the protest.

She left soon after Newshub clocked her, saying later she thought it was a protest about something else.

Then there's National Party MP Chris Penk, who has been liking numerous posts that promote the anti-vaccination movement in New Zealand.

What this shows is that a number of National Party MPs, including their leader, have stupidly aligned themselves with the anti-vaccination movement. There is no two bones about it. And with a potential 95% of Kiwis who will be getting fully vaccinated, that's going to be a hiding to nowhere for the main opposition party. As a result of their idiocy concerning Covid-19, the blue "team" will likely continue to poll very badly, particularly while Judith Collins is calling the shots.

Collins supports anti-vax protest

If you’ve kept an eye on the news recently, you've likely noticed the anti-vax, anti-lockdown and anti-Ardern protests occurring in New Zealand, a protest movement that has been gaining some momentum as the Covid-19 disinformation campaign ramps up and restrictions start to bite

But what you may not have noticed is that the current leader of the National Party, Judith Collins, yesterday came out in support of these illegal protests in what can only be described as another misstep that should ensure her political career is effectively over.

Not only did the current opposition leader travel to Auckland in solidarity with these deluded anti-vaccination crusaders, she also openly acknowledged the reason they were on the streets in a tweet that should only be considered as implicit support for their causes.

There’s a lot of frustration and anger in Auckland. From double vaccinated people who see no end in sight with 11 weeks of lockdown & a PM who would prefer Europe to Auckland.

— Judith Collins (@JudithCollinsMP) October 30, 2021

While most law-abiding citizens can understand why there are restrictions, namely to try and save lives by stopping the spread of the deadly Delta virus, Judith Collins and the National Party are actively undermining the good work lock-downs have thus far achieved.

In fact by siding with these anti-vax protesters who were chanting inane slogans such as ‘freedom’ and ‘Jacinda out’, Collins is putting her terribly partisan approach to politics ahead of the safety of the country.

However it’s little wonder Crusher has given her approval to these anti-vaccination and anti-government protesters, being that the main organiser is none other than Bishop Brian Tamaki.

Not content with again breaching his bail conditions, Tamaki and his wife Hannah have been actively organising anti-government protests and promoting online conspiracy theories to try and ensure the sacrifice the rest of the country has made is wasted.

Clearly a consequence of these protests will be an increase in Covid-19 case numbers, which is a sad indictment on just how selfish these people (including Groundswell organiser Scott Bright) actually are. But what is even worse is that the increase in case numbers will assuredly also be used by these idiots to once again try to undermine the government's Covid-19 health response.

But Brian and Hannah Tamaki aren’t the only ones the self-centered Collins is associated with who’ve got a vested interest in undermining New Zealand's substantial efforts to control the Delta outbreak.

Collins is also in regular contact with propagandists and dirty politics practitioner, Cameron Slater. This right-wing attack blogger, who lost his previous slanderous website through court action, has been running an extensive Covid-19 disinformation campaign against the government; a campaign that is undoubtedly endangering peoples lives.

In fact Slater, who is an ardent anti-vaxxer and Covid-19 conspiracy theorist, doesn’t even believe that the Covid-19 virus is deadly, even though it’s now killed more than five million people worldwide.

The problem for Collins and her minions, and ultimately the floundering National Party, is that most Kiwis agree that the Government’s Covid-19 restrictions are worthwhile. Kiwis in general support the way Jacinda Ardern has handled herself as the Prime Minister of New Zealand during the pandemic. In the face of considerable adversity, Ardern’s leadership has assuredly saved lives, which is a lot more than can be said for Judith Collins and the unhinged protesters she evidently supports.

Brian Tamaki - Arsehole of the Week

You may find it somewhat amusing to see Brian Tamaki arrested again for organising another Destiny Church protest. After all, his largely nonsensical argument against the Government’s Covid restrictions is one thing, but those tattooed on eyebrows are really something else.

However it’s no laughing matter. The self-proclaimed messiah is in fact endangering people’s lives by organising mass rallies right when the more deadly Delta strain is spreading throughout Auckland.

The Tamaki’s are essentially trying to convince people to become exposed to a deadly virus by telling their followers that the power of the lord will save them, which is incredibly wrong on many different levels, not least of all theologically.

On Wednesday, RNZ reported:

Brian Tamaki denies breaching level 3 rules at Auckland event

Destiny Church leader Brian Tamaki has pleaded not guilty to breaching bail and lockdown rules governing mass gatherings

It is Mr Tamaki's second court appearance in relation to mass gatherings.

He was granted bail to appear before the Auckland District Court next year.

Judge Josephine Bouchier warned him if he was charged again, he "was in peril" of being remanded in custody.

Why Brian Tamaki was given another chance to breach his bail conditions is anyone’s guess, particularly because Hannah Tamaki spent the time her husband was in jail organising another protest outside the Police station.

The Tamaki’s even promoted it on social media showing that they clearly have no intention of adhering to the judge’s bail conditions.

In my opinion the judiciary really needs to start playing hardball with these cult leaders to ensure the publics safety.

There's no question that the Destiny Church protests are politically motivated. In fact some among the right-wing see the virus spreading as a way to undermine Jacinda Arderns popularity.

Brian and Hannah Tamaki are after all friends with Judith Collins, and much like Destiny Church's campaigning, the National Party leader has spent most of her time arguing against the Government’s worthwhile Covid restrictions.

It is somewhat ironic that these restrictions would have reduced cases, saved lives and allowed the economy to open up earlier if people, particularly those who listen to Judith Collins and the Tamaki’s, had actually adhered to them.

Brian Tamaki’s protests have assuredly caused the deadly virus to spread, which is why the deluded church leader wins this week’s Arsehole Award. His followers assaulting a peaceful protester outside of the Police station Brian was being held at was also uncalled for.

‘Freedom of speech’…Tamaki’s Blackshirt Gang violently attack & destroy sign they didn’t like yesterday at Henderson Police Station.
[for the record, it says “F**K Brian Tamaki, his prosperity, his doctrines and his creepy fake eyebrows. Let him rot in the cells!”] pic.twitter.com/eYjhYrWVCd

— DaveMac (@davemacpherson7) October 20, 2021

Now what is it that the Bible says about hurting others?

There are six things that the Lord hates, seven that are an abomination to him: haughty eyes, a lying tongue, and hands that shed innocent blood, a heart that devises wicked plans, feet that make haste to run to evil, a false witness who breathes out lies, and one who sows discord among brothers.