National's Education Failures and Assault on Māori Language

In a move that's akin to cultural erasure, Education Minister Erica Stanford’s Ministry of Education has banned a Māori book, At the Marae, from classroom use for the absurd reason that it contains “too many Māori words.” This book, designed specifically to support the teaching of te reo Māori, is a vital tool for fostering bilingualism in Aotearoa’s classrooms. To deem it unsuitable because it embraces the very language it seeks to teach isn't just ludicrous, it’s a deliberate attack on Māori identity in an attempt to undermine the revitalisation of an official language of New Zealand.
 

On Friday, 1 News reported:

 

Fury as ministry cans kids book for too many Māori words

The Education Ministry has canned a reader for junior children because it has too many Māori words, infuriating Te Akatea, the Māori Principals' Association.

The association's president Bruce Jepsen said the decision not to reprint At the Marae was racist and white supremacist.

The ministry told schools At the Marae, did not fit the sequence that young children were now taught to decode words using the structured literacy approach.

Te Akatea, the Māori Principals’ Association, rightly called this decision “an act of racism,” with president Bruce Jepsen decrying it as a step toward recolonising education. Unfortunately, this isn't an isolated incident but part of a broader, insidious pattern under an authoritative government to strip Māori language and culture from public view. The removal of “Aotearoa” from passports, the planned erasure of Māori names from road signs, and the renaming of government agencies to exclude te reo Māori are all symptomatic of a racist agenda, which is costing taxpayer's millions of dollars with no quantifiable benefit, to diminish Māori presence in our literature and shared spaces.

These are the seven words in the Māori book that was removed by Erica Stanford's Ministry of Education for having "too many Māori words"#nzpol pic.twitter.com/v3UdB0dnsj

— Mountain_Tui (@Mountain_Tui) August 8, 2025

Take the Electoral Commission's renaming of the Rongotai electorate to Wellington Bays, an act devoid of any rationale beyond a clear intent to erase Māori nomenclature. No consultation, no justification, just a blunt rejection of a name tied to Māori heritage obviously undertaken at the behest of the current racially motivated government. The coalition’s track record on Māori language extends to other shameful decisions. The redirection of $30 million from the Te Ahu o te Reo Māori programme, which trained teachers to deliver te reo Māori, to fund a maths curriculum refresh plagued with problems is a stark example.

Experts have debunked Stanford’s claim that the programme failed to improve student outcomes, labelling it misleading and a pretext for defunding Māori education. Sadly, government ministers aren't adverse to lying in order to further their racist agenda. This follows the coalition’s decision to review Treaty of Waitangi clauses in education and other legislation, a move critics argue is designed to undermine Māori rights and co-governance. However, Stanford’s leadership has been equally disastrous when looking at her broader education policy direction.
 

On Friday, RNZ reported:

'Wouldn't overblow it' - Education Minister on maths book errors

The Education Minister has thanked "keen bean" students for picking up errors in Ministry of Education-funded maths resources.

Eighteen errors were spotted and fixed in new maths resources, including incorrect sums, a wrong number labelled in te reo Māori, and incorrectly saying "triangles" instead of "rectangles" in an answer.

In one case, an answer to a problem in a Year 4 workbook was listed as 1024, and had to be changed to the correct answer of 19,875.

Standford's casual dismissal of 18 errors in Ministry of Education-funded maths resources, errors as egregious as incorrect sums and mistranslations of te reo Māori (e.g., “rua” written instead of “whā” for the number four) is emblematic of a government prioritising haste over quality resources that teachers can actually use. Stanford’s flippant “I wouldn’t overblow it” response, thanking “keen bean” students for spotting mistakes, downplays a systemic failure likely exacerbated by an overbearing racist agenda and over-reliance on artificial intelligence in resource development.

In July, RNZ reported:

School curriculum rewrite had serious problems, managers considered using AI to help

Internal Education Ministry documents sighted by RNZ reveal serious problems plagued the rewrite of the school curriculum earlier this year and managers were considering using AI to help with the work.

The latest leak from the organisation shows only a few months ago it lacked a clear definition of the core concept underpinning the entire rewrite - "knowledge rich" - even though it had already published primary school maths and English curriculums by that time and had nearly completed draft secondary school English and maths curriculums.

It was also struggling with repeated requests for changes.

...

The latest leak followed a series of disclosures of internal documents that prompted the ministry to hire a KC to investigate where they were coming from.

A "programme status report" sighted by RNZ said the introduction of a new process for developing the curriculum posed an "extreme" issue to the work.

"The new delivery process is adding complexity to both internal and external delivery and review procedures as we do not have a clear definition of a knowledge rich curriculum and what it looks like in a NZ context," it said.

"There is no international comparison we can pick up and use."

The hasty rewrite of the school curriculum, driven by a ministerial advisory group appointed in late 2023 by Erica Standford, has been marred by inadequate due diligence, resulting in a litany of errors that undermine student learning. In fact the coalition of chaos has failed the education litmus test spectacularly. Since taking office, student attendance has plummeted, with only 67% of schools engaging in the government’s Stepped Attendance Response (STAR) programme by April 2025.

NCEA literacy and numeracy pass rates also expose the National-led coalition’s abject failure, with Māori students achieving a dismal 22% pass rate in 2024, compared to 67% for non-Māori, leaving 78% of Māori learners without equitable outcomes. But instead of helping the 45,000 Māori students struggling under a system starved of resources, the government instead plans to get rid of  NCEA to try and hide their systemic education failures. Worse yet, they are undermining education for Māori students further by cutting $30 million from Te Ahu o te Reo Māori programmes, which previously supported 1,200 teachers annually, and a $15 million reduction in culturally responsive education initiatives, deepening the systemic neglect that perpetuates Māori underachievement.

The National-led coalition government’s systematic erasure of Māori words from public spaces, such as road signs, passports, and government agencies, coupled with new financial burdens like the doubled $100 International Visitor Conservation and Tourism Levy (IVL) for some visa categories in 2024 and additional charges of up to $35 per person for access to popular walking tracks like the Tongariro Alpine Crossing, threatens to derail New Zealand’s tourism industry, which generated $37.7 billion and supported 318,000 jobs (14.4% of the workforce) in 2023.

The truth of the matter is that nobody wants to visit a racist country. Māori culture, including te reo Māori, is a cornerstone of the tourism appeal, with 68% of international visitors citing cultural experiences as a primary draw. The government's openly racist policies and suppression of Māori language risks alienating this market, especially as competitors like Australia and Canada bolster Indigenous tourism programs.

The IVL hike and new track fees, impacting 1.9 million annual visitors and 200,000 track users respectively, have already contributed to a 7% decline in arrivals from key markets like the UK and USA in 2024 compared to pre-COVID levels. Together, these policies could stall tourism’s recovery, with long-term economic losses projected at $20-$30 billion over the next decade, as New Zealand’s unique Māori cultural identity, a global brand asset, is undermined by ignorant government policies.

Education Minister Erica Stanford’s tenure has been a cascade of blunders, exposing her incompetence and disregard for accountability. In May 2025, Official Information Act releases revealed she used her personal Gmail account to handle sensitive government business, including pre-Budget documents and visa policy changes, breaching the Cabinet Manual’s explicit rules against such practices. This “untidy” conduct, as Stanford admitted, risked cybersecurity breaches, with Labour’s Willow-Jean Prime slamming it as a “welcome sign to threats to national security” affecting millions in taxpayer-funded decisions.

“I’m very relaxed about it”

⚠️ Another day, another demonstration of weak, ineffective leadership from Prime Minister Christopher Luxon as he gets grilled by 1News Maiki Sherman over Education & Immigration Minister Erica Standford using her personal email to carry out official… pic.twitter.com/Sp8i9E2JTW

— Kelvin Morgan 🇳🇿 (@kelvin_morganNZ) May 5, 2025

Standford's failure to properly oversee Associate Minister David Seymour’s free school lunches programme has been equally disastrous, with 124,000 daily meals from subcontractor Libelle Group (liquidated in March 2025) marred by delays, nutritional shortfalls, contaminated and inedible food. Stanford only learned of Libelle’s collapse through media reports, further highlighting her detachment from critical oversight. Her apparent inability to grasp NCEA’s complexities has also drawn scorn, particularly in regards to her rushed six-week consultation for sweeping NCEA changes, which critics called inadequate for reforms affecting generations of learners. Stanford’s downplaying of 18 errors in Ministry-funded maths resources and her defense of a hasty curriculum rewrite riddled with inaccuracies, further erode confidence in her ability to get things right. These numerous missteps, alongside her dismissal of Māori education concerns, cement Stanford’s record as one of reckless negligence and cultural insensitivity, failing New Zealand’s students and taxpayers at every turn.

Despite all the evidence, the coalition of chaos' actions betray a deep-seated aversion to Māori culture and a reckless approach to education. Banning a book like At the Marae for embracing te reo Māori isn't just an administrative blunder, it’s a calculated nod to the government's never ending war on indiginous rights and another step toward cultural erasure. The National-led coalition’s legacy is one of division, incompetence, and a shameful disregard for the Treaty of Waitangi. Aotearoa deserves better than a government that fails its children and disrespects its indigenous heritage. New Zealand therefore deserves a change of government.

Hobson’s Pledge Steals Kuia’s Image to Promote Racism

In a move that exhibits their complete disregard for basic human dignity, Hobson’s Pledge, the divisive lobby group led by Don Brash, has once again stirred outrage. Their latest billboard campaign, which opposes Māori wards, used the image of Rotorua kuia Ellen Tamati without her consent. The billboard featured Tamati’s striking portrait alongside the slogan, “My mana doesn’t need a mandate. Vote no to Māori wards.” For Tamati, a respected elder, the shock of seeing her image co-opted to push a message she fundamentally opposes has been deeply distressing. Her whānau are furious and exploring legal options.

 

On Wednesday, the NZ Herald reported:

Rotorua kuia’s image used in Hobson’s Pledge billboard without consent, family outraged

The family of a Rotorua kuia whose image was used on a Hobson’s Pledge billboard without her permission say the political lobby group has trampled on her mana.

Ellen Tamati’s photograph showing her moko kauae appeared on the Hobson Pledge’s billboards with the words: “My mana doesn’t need a mandate, vote no to Māori wards”.

The widow’s family said their nan “fundamentally disagrees” with the billboard’s message and Hobson’s Pledge never asked her permission.

This shameful act wasn’t a solo effort. Ani O’Brien, former advisor to Judith Collins, and Jordan Williams, co-founder of the New Zealand Taxpayers’ Union, orchestrated this stunt through their Campaign Company for Hobson’s Pledge. Their involvement ties this incident to a broader network of right-wing activism that thrives on stoking race-based division while cloaking it in calls for “equality.” The Campaign Company, also tied to other Hobson’s Pledge ventures like the “We Belong Aotearoa” website, seems all too comfortable peddling narratives that undermine Māori rights while hiding behind a veneer of inclusivity.

So Ani O'Brien led the anti-Maori ward campaign for Jordan William's Campaign Company - using a photo prohibited from ad use.

Ani also appears to try to steer the conversation from her stuff up yesterday

BTW Not the first time J Williams has helped Hobsons Pledge#nzpol pic.twitter.com/uYUbIRukuc

— Mountain_Tui (@Mountain_Tui) August 7, 2025

Don Brash, the figurehead of this debacle, is no stranger to controversy. His track record includes the infamous “Iwi versus Kiwi” campaign from his National Party days in 2005, a divisive tactic that pitted Māori against non-Māori in a crude appeal to Pākehā anxieties. That campaign, much like Hobson’s Pledge’s current efforts, framed Māori rights as a threat to national unity, conveniently ignoring the Treaty of Waitangi’s guarantees of tino rangatiratanga and equal partnership. Brash’s obsession with dismantling Māori electorates, the Waitangi Tribunal, and any semblance of Treaty-based governance has been a consistent thread, widely condemned as racist by figures like Andrew Little, Willie Jackson, and the New Zealand Māori Council.

It turns out Jordan Williams from the Taxpayers’ Union purchased the Shutterstock image used for Don Brash and Hobson’s Pledge Billboard— exactly the kind of evidence that confirms Hobson’s Pledge is tied to the Atlas Network.

This connection links the New Zealand Initiative,… pic.twitter.com/y3qbH6buaR

— Joe Trinder (@Joe_Trinder) August 7, 2025

The use of Ellen Tamati’s image, taken by photographer Rafael Ben Ari at Waitangi Day 2025 and licensed for editorial use only, isn't just a legal misstep, it’s a profound violation of her mana. Tamati, who wears her moko kauae with pride, was horrified to learn her face was plastered across billboards in Rotorua, Hamilton, Whangārei, and Christchurch, falsely suggesting her endorsement of a racist campaign she categorically rejects. Her granddaughter, Anahera Parata, spoke of the emotional toll, with Tamati isolating herself, “devastated” and “emotionally drained” by the betrayal.
 

On Wednesday, RNZ reported:

Rotorua kuia caught up in Hobson's Pledge's anti-Māori ward campaign

Anahera Parata is mamae that her Nan is the main feature.

"All my life, I have only ever known Nan to be pro Māori, a very staunch supporter of Te Paati Māori, everything Māori. Even at her age she's still giving back to her iwi.

"To me that's damaging, not just to Nan but to our whole iwi - I can't imagine being Nan having to face our iwi when her face is being plastered over billboards supporting a message that none of us believe in.

"I'm very hurt and angry. I don't know how they think it's right... it's illegal. You picked the wrong whānau," Parata said.

The Advertising Standards Authority received over 30 complaints about Hobson Pledge's billboards, and legal experts suggest the misuse may even breach the Fair Trading Act, given the image’s restricted licensing. Yet Brash and O'Brien's response, while the cowardly William's remains silent, is a half-hearted apology and hollow claim of ignorance about the image’s copyright limitations.

This incident lays bare the callousness of Hobson’s Pledge’s tactics. By exploiting a kuia’s image, they’ve not only trampled on her dignity but reinforced their pattern of fearmongering and division. Their campaigns, from opposing Māori wards to pushing for the “restoration” of public ownership of the foreshore and seabed, consistently misrepresent Māori rights as a zero-sum threat to others. The backlash, including from Te Pāti Māori and the Māori Journalists Association, underscores the harm caused.

It’s time to call out Brash, O’Brien, Williams, and their ilk for what they are: architects of a divisive agenda that seeks to erode Māori rights. It's time to call out Hobson's Pledge for the racists they actually are.

David Seymour Can't Handle the United Nations Jandal

David Seymour, who is unfortunately the current Deputy Prime Minister of New Zealand, despite only receiving 8% of the party vote, is having another whinge about people disagreeing with him. This time it's the UN’s Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, Albert K. Barume, who recently issued a scathing letter condemning the coalition government’s policies, particularly those championed by Seymour’s ACT Party, for eroding Māori rights.

This international rebuke, which was highly deserved, exposes not only the flaws in Seymour’s political reasoning but also the insidious racism embedded in his divisive policy agenda, which prioritises individualist dogma over collective indigenous rights and obligations under our founding document, the Treaty of Waitangi.

Seymour’s response to the UN was predictably dismissive, branding their intervention an “affront to New Zealand’s sovereignty” and a product of “profound misunderstanding or deliberate misrepresentation.” This retort, which in no way resolves the issues raised, reveals a fundamental flaw in his reasoning: an unwillingness to engage with substantive criticism. The UN’s concerns, rooted in reports of Māori land rights violations and the potential impact of Seymour’s Regulatory Standards Bill, are entirely valid and reiterate those already made by many New Zealand commentators.


Last month, Newsroom reported:

Anne Salmond: What’s wrong with the Regulatory Standards Bill

The Regulatory Standards Bill (RSB) is a dangerous piece of legislation, inspired by libertarian ideas that seek to free the flow of capital from democratic constraints.

In a number of respects, it expresses a contempt for collective rights and responsibilities, public goals and values, and liberal democracy.

First, it lacks a strong democratic mandate.

At the last election, Act was the only party to put forward such a proposal, and it won only 8.6 percent of the vote; 91.4 percent of voters did not support that party. This bill cannot remotely be taken to express ‘the will of the people.’

Second, the majority party, National, agreed behind doors – despite its prior opposition for almost two decades – to support this proposal from a fringe party during coalition negotiations.

Like the Treaty Principles Bill, this undermines the principles of proportionality and accountability to the electorate on which the MMP electoral system is based. That, in turn, corrodes trust in democratic arrangements in New Zealand.

 

It's sad to see old David Seymour resorting to personal attacks instead of honestly debating the valid issues these esteemed people raise. And whether he likes it or not, New Zealand has a moral and political commitment to uphold the principles outlined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). He cannot simply worm his way out of that contract with insults and claims of absolute state sovereignty.

Seymour may have openly disavowed UNDRIP, but it's still a valid agreement that cannot be so easily dismissed by liberal talking points. By framing the UN’s recommendations as external meddling, he sidesteps the reality that New Zealand’s sovereignty includes accountability to international human rights standards, particularly for historically marginalised Māori communities.

The Regulatory Standards Bill, a cornerstone of Seymour’s agenda, exemplifies the latent racism in his approach. By prioritising individual property rights and economic efficiency, the bill threatens to undermine collective rights enshrined in the Treaty of Waitangi. Seymour’s claim that critics, including Māori leaders and legal experts, are peddling “misinformation” is not only deluded but so obviously a tactic, in the absence of any valid argument, to silence critics.

His assertion that 99.5% of submissions against the bill were bot-generated lacks evidence and insults the thousands of New Zealanders, including prominent figures like Sir Geoffrey Palmer, who voiced genuine concerns. This dismissal of opposition as inauthentic reeks of arrogance and also highlights Seymour's totalitarian tendencies.

Seymour’s broader policy record, including the failed Treaty Principles Bill, further exposes the racial undercurrents of his ideology. By seeking to redefine Treaty principles to emphasise individual rights over collective Māori rights, the ACT Party attempts to undermine the foundational agreement that shapes New Zealand’s constitutional framework.

This move aligns with ACT’s libertarian ethos but ignores the historical context of colonisation, where Māori were systematically dispossessed of land and autonomy. Seymour’s rhetoric, cloaked in calls for “equality,” perpetuates a narrative that erases the unique status of Māori as tangata whenua, effectively normalising the structural racism embedded in New Zealand’s past and present.

His social media antics, mocking opponents with terms like “Derangement Syndrome,” reveal another fault: a selective commitment to free speech. While Seymour demands apologies from other people for their perceived inflammatory remarks, he defends his own as “playful,” even as they fuel online harassment. This hypocrisy not only undermines his credibility but also disproportionately targets Māori voices, reinforcing a chilling effect on indigenous advocacy.


Last month, RNZ reported:

David Seymour defends social media posts accusing Regulatory Standards opponents of 'derangement syndrome'

The Deputy Prime Minister is rubbishing claims that social media posts he has made about opponents of the Regulatory Standards Bill are a breach of the Cabinet Manual.

In recent days, David Seymour made a series of social media posts singling out prominent opponents of the Bill, and accusing them of suffering from "Regulatory Standards Derangement Syndrome."

Wellington's mayor, Tory Whanau, accused Seymour of setting a "dangerous precedent" for how dissenting voices were treated, and laid a formal complaint with the Prime Minister over the posts.

The UN’s criticism of the coalitions divisive policies is a wake-up call for New Zealanders. Seymour’s advocacy, draped in the guise of fairness, threatens to roll back decades of progress on Māori rights. His refusal to engage with international scrutiny, dismissal of legitimate criticism, and pursuit of policies that prioritise individual gain over collective justice reflect a worldview that isn't only flawed but fundamentally discriminatory. 

New Zealand deserves better than a Deputy Prime Minister whose agenda dismisses the Treaty and attempts to further marginalise Māori people under the pretext of progress.

Stable Housing a Key to Suicide Reduction

New Zealand’s Suicide Prevention Action Plan 2025–2029, part of the Every Life Matters strategy, hasn't been implemented properly, promising much but risking little real change. While the plan boasts 21 health-led and 13 cross-agency actions, it’s riddled with faults that could doom it to repeat the failures of past strategies. 

With suicide rates in New Zealand remaining high, 617 suspected suicides in 2024, at 11.2 per 100,000, the National-led government’s austerity-driven approach, coupled with a watered-down suicide prevention plan, threatens to exacerbate the crisis rather than curb it.

First, the plan’s funding is a sticking plaster on a gaping wound. The $20 million annual baseline, plus an extra $16 million from 2025/26, sounds substantial, but it’s a drop in the bucket for a mental health system already buckling under cuts to frontline staff and gutted community services. The dissolution of the standalone Suicide Prevention Office, now a mere function within the Ministry of Health, signals a lack of seriousness about suicide prevention. How can we expect coordinated, impactful action when the government’s gutting the very structures tasked with reducing suicides?

Last year, RNZ reported:

Ministry of Health apologises for confusion over Suicide Prevention Office's future

The Ministry of Health said it did not sufficiently brief the Minister of Mental Health on their restructuring plans and is committed to working on suicide prevention.

RNZ understands the ministry is proposing to cut 134 jobs to meet the government's demands to reduce costs.

The Public Servants Association (PSA) released a press release on Thursday that claimed this also included shutting the Suicide Prevention Office.

Mental Health Minister Matt Doocey has since stepped in and told the Director-General of Health he expected the office to stay open.

 

But what is perhaps worse than this undermining, the government's replacement plan’s health-centric focus sidesteps the social determinants fuelling suicide, like poverty, unemployment, and housing instability. A 2022 University of Auckland study, backed up by a recently released Otago University study, has found stable housing significantly reduces youth offending, showing how secure homes foster resilience in young people. It’s no leap to see how stable housing could also lower youth suicide rates by providing safety and reducing stress.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:

Youth offending drops with safe, stable housing - study

An Otago University study has found a link between safe, stable housing and a reduction in youth offending rates.

The study looked at the relationship between different types of housing assistance, including emergency housing, public housing, and the accommodation supplement.

Lead author Chang Yu said researchers found clear links between housing deprivation and alleged youth offending.

"We found offending decreased significantly among young people living in public housing or receiving the accommodation supplement, compared with the general population.

The National-led government's austerity measures, destroying emergency housing, cancelling state home builds, slashing public services and tightening welfare, have deepened housing insecurity and economic hardship, particularly for young people and Māori, who face suicide rates 1.8 times higher than non-Māori. These policies aren’t just indifferent; they’re actively worsening the social conditions that drive despair.

Yesterday, Stuff reported:

 

‘Heartbreaking’: Pensioners, children sleeping rough in Christchurch’s red zone

Associate Housing Minister Tama Potaka said the large scale use of emergency housing was one of “the biggest public policy failures in New Zealand history”.

“Since National came into office, households in emergency housing have dropped from 3,342 to 516– that’s a drop of 84.5%.

“The vast majority are now into better, safer, proper homes.”

He said the Government was focused on making it easier to build proper housing and ensuring Government investment was “creating the right houses in the right places for those in genuine need“.

But Fire didn’t see it that way.

“You empty all the motels and there’s a lot of children still sleeping in cars,” she said. “That really gets to me."

The National-led government’s failure to track where former emergency housing residents end up is a glaring oversight that compounds the Suicide Prevention Action Plan’s weaknesses. The Ministry of Social Development lacks data on these households by design, because this type of data would make the government's emergency housing reduction plan look bad.

Many of the people affected by the coalitions austerity, including young children and the elderly, are slipping into rough sleeping, overcrowding, or other precarious situations. Clearly secure homes could also reduce suicide by alleviating stress and fostering resilience. Yet, National’s austerity-driven cuts to frontline services and community support, alongside the gutting of emergency housing, risk driving more vulnerable Kiwis, especially youth and Māori, into despair, undermining any hope of meaningful progress.

The Suicide Prevention Action Plan’s nod to Māori-led actions and community funds is welcome, but it feels tokenistic when broader government moves, like gutting the Suicide Prevention Office, cuts to emergency housing and reviewing Treaty-based provisions, undermine cultural and overall responsiveness. High-risk groups like the Rainbow community and rural New Zealanders also risk being short-changed when resources are spread too thin. And let’s not ignore the measly focus on postvention, support for those bereaved by suicide, who are at heightened risk themselves.

Adding insult to injury is the government's funding of unproven initiatives like Gumboot Friday, and changes to suicide reporting protocols, which have tightened what qualifies as a “confirmed” suicide, potentially masking the true scale of the current crisis in New Zealand. This sleight of hand lets the government downplay the numbers while avoiding accountability for the consequences of their policy decisions. Without robust short-term indicators or a reinstated Suicide Prevention Office, evaluating the plan’s impact will be like navigating around icebergs in the dark.

In short, this plan is a half-measure, dressed up with milestones but starved of ambition and resources. National’s austerity is exacerbating the social conditions, unstable housing, economic strain, cultural disconnection, that drive people to suicide, particularly among youth and Māori. If we want to save lives, we need bold investment, a dedicated and properly staffed prevention office, and policies that tackle the root causes of despair, not just its symptoms. Anything less clearly shows that the government simply does not care.

Places to get help:

• Lifeline (open 24/7) - 0800 543 354
• Depression Helpline (open 24/7) - 0800 111 757
• Healthline (open 24/7) - 0800 611 116
• Samaritans (open 24/7) - 0800 726 666
• Suicide Crisis Helpline (open 24/7) - 0508 828 865 (0508 TAUTOKO). This is a service for people who may be thinking about suicide, or those who are concerned about family or friends.
• Youthline (open 24/7) - 0800 376 633. You can also text 234 for free between 8am and midnight, or email talk@youthline.co.nz
• 0800 WHATSUP children's helpline - phone 0800 9428 787 between 1pm and 10pm on weekdays and from 3pm to 10pm on weekends. Online chat is available from 7pm to 10pm every day at www.whatsup.co.nz.
• Kidsline (open 24/7) - 0800 543 754. This service is for children aged 5 to 18. Those who ring between 4pm and 9pm on weekdays will speak to a Kidsline buddy. These are specially trained teenage telephone counsellors.
• Your local Rural Support Trust - 0800 787 254 (0800 RURAL HELP)
• Alcohol Drug Helpline (open 24/7) - 0800 787 797. You can also text 8691 for free.

Ruth Richardson Is Wrong on NZ Super

As we all know, New Zealand Superannuation (NZ Super) faces a looming fiscal challenge, with costs projected to soar from $19 billion in 2025 (5% of GDP) to $45.3 billion by 2037 (~7% GDP) and 8% by 2060, driven by an ageing population (20% over 65 by 2036). As debates intensify over its affordability, former Finance Minister Ruth Richardson’s opposition to means-testing, voiced on Q+A today, has reignited scrutiny.

Her stance of favouring a higher eligibility age over means-testing, would disproportionately harm Māori and low-income labourers. This post explores how means-testing could cover NZ Super’s minimum costs, drawing on OECD examples and addressing structural inequalities, while questioning Richardson’s ignorant and evidence-free position.

I spoke to Ruth Richardson about NZ’s fiscal position, her role with the Taxpayers’ Union, and the impact of the ‘91 Budget. https://t.co/gEh6i9LgU9

— Jack Tame (@jacktame) June 15, 2025

The Case for Means-Testing

NZ Super’s universal model, paying ~900,000 pensioners (e.g., $1,076.84 fortnightly for singles in 2025), is a pay-as-you-go system with no dedicated fund, thanks to National, unlike Australia’s Future Fund or Denmark’s reserves. By 2037, costs will hit $45.3 billion for ~1.2 million pensioners, straining taxpayers’ ability to meet costs, particularly as consecutive government’s increase debt levels. Moderate levels of means-testing, used by 34 of 38 OECD countries, could save 11–15% ($5–$7 billion in 2037), maintaining costs at ~6% GDP. 

Australia’s Age Pension, for instance, means-tests 2.7 million pensioners, and costs only 2.5% of GDP, while Canada’s Guaranteed Income Supplement targets low-income seniors, keeping costs at 2.7% GDP. These systems prove means-testing is scalable, and would work by leveraging tax data like New Zealand’s Inland Revenue (IRD) does for Working for Families (300,000 families).

Estimating Income and Asset Thresholds

To cover NZ Super’s minimum costs, means-testing could exclude the wealthiest 10–15% of pensioners (120,000–180,000 by 2037) from receiving super, who hold ~70% of household wealth. Based on New Zealand’s wealth distribution, where the top 10–15% of households earn above ~$70,000/year and hold assets (excluding homes) above ~$750,000, thresholds could be fairly set as follows:

Income Threshold: ~$50,000/year for singles ($962/fortnight) and ~$70,000/year for couples ($1,346/fortnight), above which NZ Super is reduced (e.g., 50 cents per dollar, as in Australia). This targets pensioners with significant investment or private pension income, phasing out payments for the top 10–15%.

Asset Threshold: $400,000 for single homeowners, ~$600,000 for couple homeowners; ~$600,000 for single non-homeowners, ~$900,000 for couple non-homeowners (excluding primary residences, as in Australia). This captures high-wealth pensioners with substantial savings or trusts.

These thresholds align with Australia’s ($180/fortnight income, $301,750 assets for singles) but are higher to reflect NZ’s higher cost-of-living. Inland Revenue could administer this, as with Childcare Subsidy, though trusts and asset-hiding require transparency reforms. Administrative costs ($100 million/year) are minimal compared to savings.

Equity and Māori Disparities

Means-testing addresses structural inequalities, a key concern raised in debates over Richardson’s policies. Her 1991 budget doubled extreme poverty (4% to 8%), hitting Māori hardest due to lower incomes (78.9% of median), lower homeownership (48% vs. 58% non-Māori), and lower incomes.

Today’s universal NZ Super favours wealthier non-Māori with longer lifespans, who receive payments for more years. Means-testing at these thresholds targets high-income/asset pensioners, ensuring low-income Māori (40% of over-65s rely heavily on NZ Super) retain full benefits. Raising the eligibility age, as Richardson supports, would harm Māori, particularly labourers in physically demanding jobs (18% of Māori vs. 11% non-Māori), who face health barriers to working past the age of 65.

OECD Lessons and Feasibility

Among 20 relevant OECD countries, 18 means-test pensions, with Denmark, Netherlands, Australia, and Sweden leading in fiscal sustainability due to funded systems and low costs (2.5–7% GDP). New Zealand and Greece, the only non-means-tested systems, rank weakest, with NZ Super’s $45.3 billion by 2037 threatening future budgets. Australia’s model of means-testing 2.7 million pensioners shows NZ’s IRD could easily handle ~900,000 pensioners, despite complexity concerns ($100 million admin costs). Canada’s hybrid (universal OAS with means-tested GIS) offers a balanced approach NZ could easily adopt.

Critiquing Richardson’s Stance

Richardson’s opposition to means-testing, favouring a higher eligibility age, ignores equity and fiscal realities. Her 1991 policies exacerbated Māori poverty, and her 2025 stance, advocating for even more neoliberal policies, perpetuates inequities by preserving a universal system that benefits only wealthier non-Māori New Zealanders.

Of course the deluded Ruth Richardson’s ideology prioritises simplicity over fairness. However there really is no good argument against means-testing superannuation, as proven by OECD peers and NZ’s parental means-testing programs, showing that such changes are feasible and could save billions while supporting vulnerable groups of people working in physically demanding jobs.

Conclusion

Means-testing NZ Super at ~$50,000–$70,000 income and $400,000–$900,000 assets could save $5–$7 billion by 2037, keeping costs at ~6% GDP. This aligns with OECD best practices, leverages IRD systems, and addresses Māori inequities, countering Richardson’s racist stance. As NZ’s population ages, means-testing offers a sustainable, equitable path forward and is the only real option to ensure super continues to be affordable for New Zealand.

Government Damaging New Zealand's International Standing

New Zealand, once a shining example of progressive governance, is faltering under a right-wing Coalition Government determined to drag us back to the colonial dark ages. The “Coalition of Chaos,” as it’s been correctly named, is making Aotearoa an international laughing stock, with Prime Minister Chris Luxon, NZ First leader Winston Peters and ACT leader David Seymour largely leading the clown show in this regressive circus.

From Seymour’s embarrassing Oxford Union defeat to the punitive silencing of Māori MPs for performing a haka, alongside a slew of other equally shameful scandals, this government is tarnishing our global reputation with every misstep they take.

Seymour’s Oxford Union shambles was a humiliation for New Zealand. Debating the motion “no one can be illegal on stolen land,” his team bombed spectacularly, exposing his inability to articulate a coherent defence of his bigoted worldview. His smug dismissal of Māori activism as “reprehensible” failed to sway an international audience, highlighting his disconnection from reality. Clearly Seymour’s hubris and racist beliefs aren’t widely shared. This wasn’t just a loss; it was a public relations disaster for a Deputy Prime Minister who’s regressive and racist Treaty Principles Bill should never again see the light of day.


Yesterday, The Post reported:

David Seymour debated at the prestigious Oxford Union, and lost. Here’s what happened

ACT leader and deputy PM David Seymour took part in the famous Oxford Union debate, surrounded by the world’s brightest minds - including Noam Chomsky’s daughter. Harriette Boucher was also watching.

The newly titled deputy prime minister David Seymour took to a different chamber this morning, one with men in suits and ties, and women in gowns and pearls.

Taking part in the Oxford Union debate on Friday morning (Thursday, local time), Seymour argued in opposition to the moot that “no one can be illegal on stolen land”.

“I’m not sure we are going to win that one, based on the crowd response,” he told The Post after.

And they didn’t.

Even more shameful was the punishment of Te Pāti Māori MPs for their haka protest in Parliament last November. Receiving record-breaking suspensions for merely doing a haka, which was justifiably expressing cultural dissent against Seymour’s divisive Treaty Principles Bill, the Māori Party have received numerous interviews from overseas reporters who're scratching their heads in disbelief.

The haka, a powerful symbol of Māori identity, was branded “disorderly” by a government clearly intent on removing all indigenous rights. International press, such as the BBC, Al Jazeera, NPR, CNN and ABC News reported factually, portraying Aotearoa as a nation that punishes Māori for a haka that is widely recognised as symbolic of New Zealand, creating perceptions of racist governance that will keep tourists away in droves.

Compounding this mess is Chris Luxon’s utter failure to lead in any meaningful way whatsoever. Perpetually in the dark on any details when it suits him about his Minister's and staff, Luxon has made a career as PM by shirking his responsibilities. From his underling's numerous missteps to his press secretary, Michael Forbes, who was investigated by Police for recording sex workers without consent, Luxon often claims that he’s absolutely clueless! His hands-off approach has left the shambles of a Coalition directionless, allowing his subordinates to run riot while Luxon tries to cover-up the mess with vague platitudes and false promises.


On Thursday, 1 News reported:

Why wasn't PM told about police investigation into staffer?

The sudden resignation of one of the Prime Minister's senior press secretaries is raising questions about why Christopher Luxon's office was not told about the police investigation last year.

Michael Forbes left his job as acting deputy chief press secretary on Wednesday and has apologised after accusations he recorded audio of sessions with sex workers, and had intrusive photos of women in public and footage shot through windows at night.

Police said they got a complaint from a Wellington brothel last July after images were found on a client's phone, but decided the case did not meet the threshold for prosecution.

The government’s mismanagement doesn’t stop there. Recently, Winston Peters called Te Pāti Māori “extremists” and mocked Rawiri Waititi’s moko, a face tattoo that is widely used by Kaumātua (a respected tribal elder) in New Zealand.

The government’s socially destructive agenda, like cutting public services, ignoring climate commitments and cosying up to corporates to the detriment of our international reputation, erodes our progressive credentials that have taken considerable time, the will of numerous government’s and millions of dollars to build.

Then there’s the rolling back of nearly every progressive policy that Jacinda Ardern made while she was PM, legislation that was widely supported from across the globe.

Climate Change Emissions (Zero Carbon Act):

Previous Policy: The 2019 Zero Carbon Act set a carbon-neutral target by 2050 with carbon budgets and a Climate Change Commission.
Current Action: Core framework retained but softened; repealed Clean Car Discount, reinstated oil/gas exploration, and delayed agricultural emissions pricing (2023–2024).

 

Smoke-Free Generation Legislation:

Previous Policy: Banned tobacco sales for those born after 2008, reduced retailers, and lowered nicotine levels.
Current Action: Repealed in 2024 to preserve tax revenue and avoid black-market risks.

 

Māori Health Authority (Te Aka Whai Ora):

Previous Policy: Established in 2022 to address Māori health disparities via independent governance.
Current Action: Disestablished in 2024, functions returned to Ministry of Health to reduce bureaucracy.

 

KiwiBuild Housing Programme:

Previous Policy: Aimed to build 100,000 affordable homes in 10 years.
Current Action: Scrapped in 2023, replaced with zero state house builds and declining building consents.

 

He Puapua Report Recommendations:

Previous Policy: Proposed Māori co-governance.
Current Action: Halted in 2023, with co-governance policies reversed.

 

Prison Population Reduction Target:

Previous Policy: Targeted a 30% prison population reduction by 2033, focusing on rehabilitation.
Current Action: Abandoned in 2023, with a shift to tougher sentencing and more jails.

 

Te Reo Māori Integration and Bonuses:

Previous Policy: Promoted Te Reo in public services with salary bonuses for fluency.
Current Action: Bonuses ended and English mandated as primary public service language (2023).

 

Gender and Sexuality Education (RSE) Guidelines:

Previous Policy: Updated school curriculums to include gender and sexuality diversity (2020).
Current Action: Guidelines replaced in 2023 to focus on academic achievement.

 

Violent Extremism Research Centre:

Previous Policy: Established post-2019 Christchurch attacks to research extremism.
Current Action: Defunded in 2024, seen as reducing “woke” spending.

Aotearoa’s once-stellar reputation for integrity is also slipping, with the 2024 Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) ranking New Zealand fourth at 83 points, down from 85 in 2023 and a high of 91 in 2015. This steady decline, mainly driven by falling business confidence in government integrity, as noted in the World Economic Forum’s Executive Opinion Survey, signals growing perceptions of corruption in public procurement, immigration, and political lobbying.

Transparency International New Zealand warns of complacency, highlighting weak anti-corruption measures and insufficient transparency in political financing. This slide risks tarnishing “Brand NZ,” threatening economic trust and global standing, which will assuredly mean less investment.

Internationally, Chris Luxon’s mishandling of his press secretaries recording of sex workers, is further damaging our reputation. Then there’s the government prioritising Budget debates over addressing the haka suspensions, ensuring Te Pāti Māori’s absence during the Regulatory Standards Bill’s passage through Parliament, displaying that the coalition of chaos is obsessed with control, not dialogue, which further showcases their racism to the world.

New Zealand’s reputation is on life support. Seymour’s failed debate, the Coalition’s vendetta against Māori, Luxon’s weak leadership, and numerous globally recognised scandals are causing significant damage that will take many decades to repair. Aotearoa deserves better than this Coalition of Chaos, hell-bent on making us a global cautionary tale of squandered goodwill. It’s time to reject this regressive circus and demand leadership that puts our country back on track to a pathway of progress.

Chris Bishop’s Drunken and Racist Tirade at AMA

The National Party’s Chris Bishop has shown his true colours again, this time stumbling into the spotlight at the Aotearoa Music Awards (AMA) with a bottle in hand and a mouth full of vitriol. Caught on video ranting during Stan Walker’s performance, which included a Haka and Tino Rangatiratanga flag-waving, Bishop couldn’t contain his disdain for a cultural moment led by a musician who had picked up Best Māori Artist and the Mana Reo Award at the 2025 AMAs.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:

 

'What a load of crap': Chris Bishop caught 'ranting' during Stan Walker's Aotearoa Music Awards performance

Cabinet minister Chris Bishop says he should have kept his comments to himself after saying "what a load of crap" during a performance at Thursday night's Aotearoa Music Awards in Auckland.

Video footage shows Bishop seated, with a bottle in his hand during pop singer Stan Walker's segment.

Some people in front of him were on their feet dancing and waving tino rangatiratanga, or self-determination, flags.

In a statement to RNZ, Bishop admitted he said something about performative acclaim and said, what a lot of crap. He said it referred to what he called the overtly political branding on display.

 

Bishop’s boorish behaviour isn’t just an embarrassment, it’s a window into a troubling pattern of arrogance and cultural insensitivity that should have New Zealanders questioning his fitness for office.

While Stan Walker’s performance was being enjoyed by the vast majority of the audience, Bishop was there openly disparaging the celebration of Māori culture, dismissing the moment as “performative acclaim” and “a load of crap”. He reportedly told everyone to “sit down” because “the hīkoi was ages ago”. Talk about an idiot! There was a Hīkoi for Health earlier this month.

The disrespect wafting out of Bishop’s rotten mouth was disgusting, and people within his vicinity felt compelled to speak out. Veteran musician Don McGlashan told Bishop off, echoing the thoughts of many within the audience. They were there to celebrate New Zealand music, and an arrogant Chris Bishop was doing his best to ruin the night.

Chris Bishop goes mask off with his racism.

How long before Luxon announces he's "very relaxed" about his MP's comments? https://t.co/if9br0izbN pic.twitter.com/fBurC8mpHT

— Nick (@StrayDogNZ) May 30, 2025

Here’s a Cabinet minister, supposedly a leader, unable to hold his liquor or his tongue, openly sneering at a well-respected award winning musician and his crew because they’re Māori.

This latest episode isn’t just a personal failing, it’s a stain on the National-led government’s credibility. Bishop’s drunken outbust at the AMA demands accountability. If Luxon doesn’t act swiftly to address this misconduct, we know that he has no moral backbone at all.

Allowing a Cabinet minister to undermine New Zealand’s cultural values and embarrass the nation on a public stage is unacceptable. If Bishop cannot uphold the dignity of his office, Luxon should show some leadership and remove him. New Zealand deserves ministers who respect our award winning musicians, not those who slur their way to infamy with racist ranting.

David Seymour Wanted Civil War in New Zealand

David Seymour has built a career on stirring up resentments, but his latest antics are a step too far. The Mata Reports documentary, aired earlier this month, lays bare Seymour’s calculated brand of divisive politics, exposing a man who seems to relish the chaos his policies could unleash. Worse, it shows he’s fully aware that his divisive policies, particularly in regards to the Treaty Principles Bill, could push New Zealand toward civil war. Despite this, Seymour barrels forward anyway with his anti-Maori legislation. This isn’t just reckless; it’s a betrayal of the unity NZ was founded on that politicians should be promoting.

Seymour’s campaign against co-governance, a lightning rod in the 2023 election, was less about principle and more about political point-scoring. Mata’s investigation, through the eyes of a former ACT insider, reveals Seymour’s deep ties to the libertarian Atlas Network, a global outfit with a track record of sowing discord under the guise of “freedom.”

His Treaty Principles Bill, which sought to erase Māori partnership rights from legal frameworks, wasn’t just a policy, it was a racist dog whistle, designed to inflame tensions and rally an anti-Māori voter base. Former Prime Minister Jenny Shipley warned in 2023 that this bill was “inviting civil war,” a sentiment ignored by current National MP Chris Luxon, but echoed in Mihingarangi Forbes' chilling footage where Seymour appears to shrug off the prospect of violent unrest and his previous statements acknowledging that he wanted the Treaty Principles Bill to cause a civil war.


In November 2024, RNZ reported:

 

Treaty Principles Bill 'inviting civil war', Jenny Shipley says

Dame Jenny said past attempts to codify Treaty principles in law had failed.

"While there have been principles leaked into individual statutes, we have never attempted to - in a formal sense - put principles in or over top of the Treaty as a collective. And I caution New Zealand - the minute you put the Treaty into a political framework in its totality, you are inviting civil war.

"I would fight against it. Māori have every reason to fight against it.

"This is a relationship we committed to where we would try and find a way to govern forward. We would respect each other's land and interests rights, and we would try and be citizens together - and actually, we are making outstanding progress, and this sort of malicious,politically motivated, fundraising-motivated attempt to politicise the Treaty in a new way should raise people's voices, because it is not in New Zealand's immediate interest.

The hypocrisy is staggering. Seymour cloaks his agenda in calls for “equality,” preaching that all New Zealanders deserve the same rights. Yet, his actions, like scrapping the Māori Health Authority or joking about bombing the Ministry for Pacific Peoples, target marginalised communities with surgical precision.

Mata shows him lying on camera, dodging accountability when confronted with evidence of his inflammatory rhetoric. His dismissal of Canada’s residential school genocide as overblown further exposes a callous disregard for historical trauma, aligning him with Atlas Network’s playbook.

Here's a Canadian-accented David Seymour arguing against funding public transport on behalf of Atlas Network partner & climate change denialists, Frontier Centre for Public Policy. https://t.co/w7pzpwkzeD pic.twitter.com/o0bNDbVbO9

— Nick (@StrayDogNZ) February 26, 2024

This isn’t new for Seymour. Back in January 2023, his campaign launch was an excercise in negative campaigning, using Māori and beneficiaries as political punching bags. Some journalists called it “disruption and division,” and they weren’t wrong. Seymour denied he was race-baiting, but his rhetoric, painting co-governance as undemocratic, deepened mistrust.

The Mata documentary pulls no punches, exposing a “culture of fear” within ACT and allegations of sexism and whistleblower suppression. Seymour’s authoritarian streak, masked by his libertarian posturing, is a warning sign. He knows his policies could fracture New Zealand, potentially to the point of violence, yet he persists, gambling with our social fabric for his political gain. This isn’t leadership; it’s political opportunism that could destroy our country.

New Zealand deserves better. We need leaders who bridge divides, not widen them. Seymour’s gamble with civil unrest isn’t just a policy misstep, it’s an unacceptable moral failure. Voters should reject his divisive playbook and demand policies that unite us, not ones that risks tearing us apart.

Government Fanning The Flames Of Racism

Unless you’ve been living under a rock, you should have noticed that racism in New Zealand isn't just a lingering shadow of colonialism, it’s a structural pillar of our current government, with their latest policies pouring even more fuel on the fire. New Zealand likes to pat itself on the back as a progressive paradise, but scratch bellow the surface, and the ugly truth of entrenched racism is as clear as day. From systemic inequities to tone-deaf legislation, the powers-that-be are doubling down on policies that widen the gap for Māori and Pasifika communities, all while cloaking it in dishonest “fairness” rhetoric that nobody in their right mind should believe.

Let’s start with the cold, hard reality. Māori make up 17% of the population but over 50% of the prison population. Pasifika are over-represented in poverty stats, with one in five kids in low-income households. Health outcomes? Māori life expectancy lags behind Pākehā by nearly a decade. These aren’t accidents; they’re the scars of a system built on colonial theft that has been sustained by political apathy. The Waitangi Tribunal’s been highlighting breaches of Te Tiriti for decades, yet successive governments have kicked the can down the road.

Enter the current coalition of chaos government, which seems hell-bent on making things even worse. Take the recent push to dismantle Māori-specific policies under the guise of “equality before the law”. Scrapping the Māori Health Authority? A gut-punch to people already battling systemic healthcare disparities. The rhetoric around “one law for all” sounds noble until you realise it erases targeted support for those who’ve been screwed over for generations. Then there’s the Fast-track Approvals Bill, which sidelines Māori consultation on resource projects. When iwi voices are silenced, it’s not just a policy tweak, it’s a middle finger to Te Tiriti and the principle of partnership.


Last week, 1 News reported:

Luxon: No compromise on Te Pāti Māori decision, rejects ‘racism’ claims

Prime Minister Christopher Luxon says the National Party will not make any concessions on the Privileges Committee's recommendation to suspend three Te Pāti Māori MPs from Parliament.

Last week, the Privileges Committee recommended the suspensions of co-leaders Rawiri Waititi and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and MP Hana-Rāwhiti Maipi-Clarke in the wake of a haka that was performed during the first reading of the Treaty Principles Bill last year.

A 21-day suspension was recommended for Waititi and Ngarewa-Packer, while a seven-day suspension was recommended for Maipi-Clarke.

The fact that Judith Collins lied about Te Pāti Māori halting the vote and handing down the longest suspensions in New Zealand's political history certainly points to one conclusion.

However, this type of racism isn’t new. The government’s playbook, dressed up as pragmatism, leans heavily on dog-whistle politics that scapegoat Māori for daring to demand a fairer New Zealand. Remember the foreshore and seabed debacle? We’re seeing its ghost again, with Treaty settlements under threat and public discourse increasingly hostile. Social media’s a cesspool of anti-Māori sentiment, emboldened by politicians who’d rather stoke division than address root causes. Numerous posts by right-wing operatives blame Māori for “special treatment,” conveniently ignoring the centuries of land grabs, cultural erasure, and economic exclusion that has inhibited New Zealand from reaching its full potential.


Yesterday, E-Tangata reported:

Is our government racist?

…

It was about power and control, and how this is related to the kind of unacknowledged and denied racism (masquerading under a number of other guises) that plagues parliament and, indeed, our society as a whole.

Simply put, being Maōri and doing Māori things is okay as long as people in power control what is involved, and when and how it appears. It is a cultural contortion which creates an impression of inclusion while upholding unacknowledged racism.

For parliament to control how Māori appear in parliament is little better than excluding Māori altogether. I would argue it’s worse because such controlled inclusion has the effect of diffusing challenge and creating the appearance of “good race relations”, a myth mainstream New Zealand has been careful to cultivate over the years.

 

So, what’s the fix? First, stop pretending racism’s a few bad apples, it’s the whole damn orchard. The government needs to honour Te Tiriti, not as a box-ticking exercise but as a living commitment. That means reinvesting in Māori-led solutions, from healthcare to education, and amplifying iwi voices in resource decisions. It means calling out the coded language of “equality” for what it is: a Trojan horse for maintaining Pākehā privilege. And it means Pakeha need to own their role in dismantling the system, not just shrugging and saying, “It’s complicated.”

The clock’s ticking. If this government keeps torching Māori rights, the social fabric of Aotearoa will fray even further. We’re better than this, or at least, we should be. Let’s demand policies that heal the social divide, not harm it, and create a future where “equality” isn’t just a dirty word the ACT Party roles out every time someone dares to question the government's racist policies.

Imprisoning Māori For Doing The Haka?

ACT MP Parmjeet Parmar

The ACT Party floating the idea of imprisoning Te Pāti Māori MPs for performing a haka in Parliament isn’t just a shameful overreach; it’s a chilling glimpse into a fascist mindset that seeks to silence indigenous voices through state power. According to RNZ, ACT MP Parmjeet Parmar asked the Privileges Committee to consider a range of punishments, including jail time, for Te Pāti Māori MPs who performed a haka to protest the divisive Treaty Principles Bill. This isn’t just about parliamentary decorum; it’s a calculated move to treat Māori cultural expression and resistance as a crime. It’s the kind of authoritarian tactic you’d expect from repressive regimes, not a supposedly democratic country like New Zealand.

Today, RNZ reported:

ACT asked for advice on range of punishments for Te Pāti Māori MPs - including imprisonment

The ACT party asked for advice on the full range of possible punishments for Te Pāti Māori MPs following last year's Treaty Principles haka - including imprisonment.

The government members on the Privileges Committee recommended suspending Te Pāti Māori co-leaders Rawiri Waititi and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer for 21 days as punishment for their part in a haka at the conclusion of the First Reading of the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill.

MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, who started the haka but had since expressed contrition, faces a one-week suspension.

The Committee found the MPs had behaved in an intimidating manner when they moved from their seats to face Act Party MPs.

The Privileges Committee sought advice on possible penalties while preparing its recommendations. ACT MP Parmjeet Parmar, who is on the committee, asked if this could include a range of examples, including imprisonment, to "help put any proposed penalty in context".

Let’s call this what it is: racism dressed up as procedure. The haka, a powerful expression of Māori identity, was deemed “intimidating” by the Privileges Committee, a claim that reeks of thin skins and colonial overreach. The main problem here is that ACT’s suggestion to imprison Māori for doing a haka isn’t an isolated incident. This is the same party that’s pushed a relentless anti-Māori agenda since their very foundation, from ACT’s Rodney Hide openly stating that they hate Māori, to Jamie Whyte's claim that Māori are somehow legally privileged in New Zealand, and now David Seymour’s Treaty Principles Bill, which seeks to gut the Treaty of Waitangi’s protections, to their dog-whistle rhetoric branding Māori cultural practices as “thuggery”, ACT have displayed their blatant racism for all to see. They even published material calling Te Pāti Māori MPs “barnyard animals” for doing a haka, in what can only be described as a vulgar display of ignorant racism that should ensure they never attain power again. This isn’t just policy disagreement; it’s a deliberate campaign by the coalition of chaos to marginalise and dehumanise Māori.

Look globally, and ACT’s tactics echo the playbook of repressive regimes that target indigenous populations to maintain control. In Australia, Aboriginal people face disproportionate incarceration rates, over 30% of the prison population despite being 3% of the total population, often for minor or culturally misunderstood acts. In Canada, Indigenous peoples make up nearly 30% of federal inmates, despite being 5% of the population, a legacy of colonial policies designed to suppress First Nations’ resistance. These parallels aren’t accidental. Imprisoning indigenous leaders or cultural figures is a hallmark of repressive regimes that fear the power of native identity. From apartheid South Africa to Pinochet’s Chile, fascist regimes always attempt to crush indigenous dissent under the guise of “order.”

NZ Maori use Haka for all major events in life: birth, death, marriage. It's their tradition. Here is NZ's Rugby team doing Haka before their game.pic.twitter.com/VWvKqWTyNg

— Epoch Inspired (@EpochInspired) January 7, 2024

ACT advocating for Māori MPs to be imprisoned for a haka isn’t just an attack on Te Pāti Māori; it’s an assault on the very idea of Māori identity and cultural survival. The Privileges Committee’s recommended 21 day suspensions without pay are already unprecedentedly harsh. Suggesting imprisonment takes it to a new dystopian level, signalling to Māori that their voice, their tikanga, their resistance will be met with the full weight of state punishment. This is fascism in a suit: targeting those who dare to stand up against an unjust government that is trying to control its population through punishment and fear.

The ACT Party’s calls for authoritarianism should have no place within our halls of power. So where is the Prime Minister’s condemnation of his coalition partner’s racist overreach? Chris Luxon’s silence about ACT's proposed jail time for Māori MPs is another tacit nod in favour of the all too regular anti-Māori sentiment we see poisoning our democracy. But instead of acknowledging this problem, government MPs and their mainstream media propagandists are trying to make us believe that their actions and lies weren’t racially motivated. Not only have they insulted Māoridom, they are now insulting the entire countries intelligence as well.

New Zealand deserves better than a government that flirts with authoritarianism while cloaking it in “rule of law” rhetoric. They deserve a government that stands up for the haka and all that it signifies. The haka isn’t a threat to New Zealand; it’s a highly significant taonga, a treasure of Māori culture that every New Zealander should feel proud of. ACT’s push to criminalise it exposes their rancid racist underbelly...and that’s not something any right thinking Kiwi should vote for.

Luxon’s Anti-Māori Mask Slips Again

New Zealand’s Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has once again stocked the fire a racial disharmony, this time with a damning comment that reeks of anti-Māori sentiment. In a recent Newstalk ZB interview with Mike Hosking, Luxon responded to a question about the “Māorification of this country” by saying, “Well where we see it we call it out.” This racist remark, endorsing a loaded term that vilifies Māori culture and language, has ignited outrage and once again raised a critical question: Is the Prime Minister of New Zealand a racist?

Luxon’s “call it out” comment is not an isolated slip. It echoes a broader agenda from his National-led coalition, which has systematically targeted Māori rights since taking office in November 2023. Take the scrapping of the Māori Health Authority, a body designed to address stark health disparities for Māori people, who on average die seven to eight years younger than non-Māori. Luxon’s government also reversed Labour’s tobacco ban, a policy Māori leaders championed to curb smoking rates, which hit 20% among Māori adults compared to 8% nationally. These moves, cloaked in “equality” rhetoric, disproportionately harm Māori, who face systemic inequities in health and justice.

Then there’s the rollback of te reo Māori in public life. Luxon’s coalition mandated English as the primary language for government agencies, demoting Māori titles like Waka Kotahi to secondary status. In August 2024, he defended removing basic Māori phrases like “tēnā koe” and “Aotearoa” from an invitation to an Australian minister, claiming Australians need “incredibly simple” English. This patronising jab not only insulted Māori culture but also dismissed the trans-Tasman cultural exchange, and set our long-existing mutually beneficial relationship back.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:

'We have to have rules': Christopher Luxon won't say if Te Pāti Māori's punishment appropriate

"I've seen it reported in media that it's [the issue] is about haka and waiata in the Parliament, well that actually happens often. It's actually about not following the rules of Parliament - disrupting the vote, leaving you're seat... not engaging with the Privileges Committee," Luxon said.

"I think it's really important that the rules are upheld because we've got to be able to discuss difficult and emotional subjects in Parliament and debate them. But we've also need to make sure it doesn't degenerate into absolute chaos in the Parliament."

Luxon also axed bonuses for public servants learning te reo, calling them wasteful. His government’s cuts to Māori language programs, like the $30 million slashed from Te Ahu o te Reo Māori in 2024, further undermine revitalisation efforts. These actions contradict Luxon’s claim that he values te reo, exposing a double standard that smacks of privilege.

In response to a question about the "Maorification of this country" Luxon said "where we see it we call it out". Is he not aware Maori is an official language as well as being special and precious and unique to Aotearoa?https://t.co/ta8xlfuTrQ

— Greg Presland (@GregPresland) May 19, 2025

Is Luxon a racist? His policies and rhetoric suggest a calculated appeal to a conservative base wary of Māori “special treatment,” a dog-whistle that fuels division. Critics like Te Pāti Māori’s Debbie Ngarewa-Packer have called his government’s approach akin to “white supremacy,” a charge Luxon dismissed as “ridiculous.” Yet, the pattern...dismantling Māori health initiatives, sidelining te reo, and endorsing terms like “Māorification”...points to a leader actively hostile to Māori aspirations.

Luxon insists he’s focused on “outcomes for all New Zealanders,” but his actions tell a different story. Racism isn’t just about overt slurs; it’s about policies that entrench inequity and dismiss cultural identity. The evidence suggests Luxon’s leadership tilts toward the latter, betraying the bicultural promise of Aotearoa developing into a multicultural society where everyone can succeed irrespective of the colour of their skin.

Brownlee’s Bias: Māori MPs Punished, van Velden Spared

In a Parliament that’s supposed to uphold fairness, the recent punishments meted out to Te Pāti Māori MPs for their haka protest compared to Workplace Relations Minister Brooke van Velden for her use of the C-word expose a glaring double standard. Speaker Gerry Brownlee and the Privileges Committee have once again shown that when it comes to enforcing parliamentary decorum, the rules bend depending on who’s in the dock.

Let’s start with Te Pāti Māori. On November 14, 2024, MPs Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, Rawiri Waititi, and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer performed a haka during the first reading of the divisive Treaty Principles Bill, a protest against legislation that erodes Māori rights. The haka, a profound expression of cultural identity and resistance, often used by the New Zealand All Blacks, disrupted the vote, prompting Brownlee to suspend the House and dock Maipi-Clarke’s pay for 24 hours.

The Privileges Committee, chaired by National’s Judith Collins, went even further, recommending unprecedented suspensions: 21 days for Waititi and Ngarewa-Packer, and seven days for Maipi-Clarke, the harshest penalties in New Zealand’s parliamentary history. The committee claimed the issue wasn’t the haka itself but its “intimidatory” nature. Te Pāti Māori called the process “grossly unjust,” arguing it dismissed tikanga Māori and silenced their voices.

Yesterday, RNZ reported:
 

Te Pāti Māori MPs to be temporarily suspended from Parliament over haka

Te Pāti Māori MPs will be temporarily suspended from Parliament for "acting in a manner that could have the effect of intimidating a member of the House" after performing a haka during the first reading of the Treaty Principles Bill.

Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke will be suspended for seven days, while co-leaders Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi will be "severely censured" and suspended for 21 days.

The three MPs - along with Labour's Peeni Henare - were referred to the Privileges Committee for their involvement in a haka and protests in the House in November, at the first reading of the contentious Treaty Principles Bill.

The suspension means the three Te Pāti Māori MPs will not be present at next week's Budget debate.

Contrast this extreme punishment with Brooke van Velden’s slap on the wrist for her recent disruptive profanity. In a heated debate, van Velden repeatedly used the C-word to criticize Labour’s Jan Tinetti, who had simply asked what the government thought about an opinion piece written by Andrea Vance, who had used the C-word to describe government Ministers. Brownlee’s response? A mild reprimand, requiring van Velden to withdraw and apologise, with no further action. No suspension, no pay docking, no Privileges Committee referral. This leniency for a coalition MP, whose deliberate use of a vulgar slur was undeniably disruptive, stands in stark contrast to the draconian measures employed against Te Pāti Māori to try and silence their concerns about the government's anti-Māori agenda.

Brownlee’s track record as Speaker raises questions about his impartiality. His rulings often favour the coalition of chaos government, as seen when he overruled the Clerk of the House and his assistant speaker on a fast-track bill amendment, prioritising coalition interests, which caused the Labour party to lose confidence in him as speaker. The haka incident further exposes this bias. While Brownlee claimed the haka’s disruption of a vote was a “cardinal sin,” he downplayed van Velden’s vulgar outburst as a mere breach of decorum. The Privileges Committee’s recommendation amplifies this disparity, punishing a culturally significant act of protest far more harshly than a crude verbal attack.

My overseas friends keep telling me the scenes they saw in parliament yesterday were sickening & I've had to explain to them his name is Gerry Brownlee & he has always looked like this pic.twitter.com/9g7pxQG73c

— Liquid Times (@Liquid_Times) November 15, 2024

This isn’t just about inconsistent rulings; it’s about whose voices are being valued in Parliament. Te Pāti Māori’s haka was a response to a bill threatening the Treaty of Waitangi, a cornerstone of New Zealand’s constitutional framework. Van Velden’s C-word, however, was the government trying to blame Labour for an article written by a reporter...a personal jab, lacking any cultural or political weight whatsoever. Yet, the Māori MPs face prolonged suspensions at the exact time the government is announcing another austerity budget, a budget that is set to once again disproportionately and adversely impact Māori. The message is clear: colonial norms trump tikanga, and coalition MPs get a free pass while Brownlee stacks the decks against opposition MPs.

The Privileges Committee’s decision sets a dangerous precedent, signaling that Māori expressions of resistance in the house (which are now a part of New Zealand's everyday culture) will be met with maximum government force. Brownlee and Collins must answer: why is a haka deemed more “intimidatory” than a minister’s unwarranted and disrespectful profanities? Until Parliament reconciles its rules with tikanga Māori, such injustices will persist, eroding trust in our democratic institutions. And once that trust has gone, it's nearly impossible to get back.

Racism won the 2023 election

If you have been paying attention to New Zealand's 2023 election campaign, you would have noticed a distinct anti-Maori and anti-poor sentiment coming through from right-wing political parties, who have subsequently won in a landslide.

Some of this campaigning was clearly designed to get attention in an "Iwi versus Kiwi" sort of way. However, much of it is actually what the right-wing believes. For instance, many of those who support NACT want to abolish dual language road signs, not because they have difficulty reading them, but because they want to ethnically cleanse away any sign of a successful multicultural society.

Despite their obviously elitist strategy of making the wealthy richer at the expense of the poor, soon-to-be Prime Minister Christopher Luxon continues to claim that he will govern for all New Zealanders.

But you only need to recall some of Luxon's statements during the campaign, such as describing poor people as "bottom feeders," to realize that the National Party will divide New Zealand along class lines and cause many in poorer areas to again experience the difficulties of living in a third-world country.

Unfortunately, in politics, words are very cheap, and it hasn't taken long for the soon-to-be Prime Minister to flip-flop on his assurances (presumably to guarantee a coalition deal is struck with ACT Party leader David Seymour) concerning a worthless and expensive referendum on the country's founding document, the Treaty of Waitangi.

On Morning Report Luxon is no longer ruling out a referendum on the Treaty. That didn't take long to backtrack on pre-election promises.

— Ms WonderOutLoud (@MsWonderOutLoud) October 15, 2023

You might assume from this result that National's blueprint to deprive impoverished mainly Māori communities of even the basic essentials, such as free school lunches in lower socio-economic areas, did not matter to the electorate. But in reality, most voters simply were not properly informed about the implications of putting a far-right government in charge.

Instead, the right wing ran a fear-based campaign using incorrect information via a biased mainstream media that was designed to keep Christopher Luxon in the spotlight. Their predominantly elderly white target audience, who are shielded away in the safety of their gated communities from any ramifications of the class warfare they support, lapped up the right-wings propaganda like never before.

This result is a win for racism and the power of disinformation as much as it is a win for the National and ACT Party.